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FUNDAMENTAL PURPOSE: Preparing and assessing learners at all levels of education for the past, not the future

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By Oweyegha-Afunaduula

Introduction

In an era defined by the Fourth Industrial Revolution, where the Internet, Social Media, and Artificial Intelligence (AI) are reshaping every facet of human existence, the fundamental purpose of education must be re-examined. Education is no longer merely the transmission of accumulated knowledge; it is the preparation of minds to navigate, shape, and thrive in a complex, interconnected, and rapidly evolving digital ecosystem. Yet, in Uganda, and across much of Africa, our educational systems remain stubbornly anchored in the 20th century, preparing learners for a world that no longer exists. This essay argues that without a deliberate, urgent, and central integration of these three technological influencers into our education policy, curriculum, and assessment, Uganda will condemn itself and its citizens to perpetual irrelevance, becoming a relic of the past transplanted into the future.

The Disconnect: Authoritarian Control vs. Digital Imperative

The primary obstacle to educational futurism in Uganda is not a lack of awareness, but a systemic preference for political control over communicative and cognitive empowerment. The current regime, like many authoritarian systems, perceives the open, democratizing, and disruptive nature of the Internet, Social Media, and AI as a threat to its hegemony. Consequently, laws and policies are designed not to harness these tools, but to disempower and disconnect the populace. This digital authoritarianism prioritizes political survivability over national progress, creating a society where access to information is policed and digital literacy is stifled.

This political posture is tragically mirrored in our educational philosophy. We train learners in rigid, siloed disciplines, using pedagogies and assessments designed for a pre-digital age. Our students are assessed on their ability to recall facts, not on their capacity to find, verify, synthesize, and create new knowledge using digital tools. We fear the smartphone in the classroom more than we fear the obsolete textbook. This approach produces graduates who are disconnected from the very platforms and technologies that define global discourse, innovation, and the economy.

From Disciplinary Silos to Extradisciplinary Synthesis: AI as the Catalyst

The future belongs to integrators, not segregators. The complex, “wicked” challenges of our time—climate change, pandemics, sustainable development—demand more than just interdisciplinarity or transdisciplinarity. They demand extradisciplinarity: the conscious seeking of knowledge and solutions from outside the formal boundaries of established academic disciplines altogether. This means valuing indigenous knowledge systems, community wisdom, artistic intuition, and spiritual understandings as critical data points in the quest for truth and innovation.

Herein lies the most profound potential of the digital pivot. Artificial Intelligence is, by its nature, an extradisciplinary engine. Unlike the human scholar trained within a specific canon, AI operates without inherent bias for where knowledge originates. Its algorithms can process datasets from satellite imagery, social media sentiment, oral history recordings, genomic sequences, and market trends with equal analytical rigor. It can find correlations between a folk song’s lyrical patterns and ecological cycles, or model economic resilience based on both formal indices and informal community savings practices. AI offers us an unprecedented tool to decolonize our epistemology—to validate, integrate, and elevate African knowledge systems into a dynamic, global conversation. However, our institutions remain bastions of “rigid disciplinary discourses.”

Academics often “write to themselves and listen to themselves” in obscure journals, their impact confined to narrow echo chambers. By failing to integrate AI and the connective power of the Internet and Social Media into learning, we are not just being technologically backward; we are perpetuating a form of epistemic colonialism. We insist that valid knowledge can only flow from certified disciplines while actively ignoring the extradisciplinary intelligence embedded in our own cultures, languages, and lived experiences. To prepare learners for the future, we must use these tools to train them as synthesizers of all knowledge.

Futuristic Recommendations for All Seasons

To cease being a relic and become a pioneer, Uganda must undergo a radical reimagining of its educational project. The following recommendations are non-negotiable for progress:

1. Declare Digital Access a Fundamental Educational Right: Policy must mandate that every school, from primary to university, has reliable, affordable, and uncensored Internet access. National investment in digital infrastructure must be treated with the same urgency as roads and electricity.

2. Redesign Curricula Around Digital Fluency, AI Literacy, and Extradisciplinary Inquiry: Curricula must integrate coding, data literacy, and digital ethics with modules designed for extradisciplinary exploration. Students should use AI tools to analyze local environmental data alongside indigenous conservation practices, or study public health through both medical journals and community caregiver narratives. Assessment must evaluate problem-solving using these integrated digital resources.

3. Empower Teachers as Guides in the Extradisciplinary Landscape: Teacher training must be revolutionized to equip educators as facilitators of digital and extradisciplinary exploration. They must learn to use AI-assisted tools and guide students in responsibly navigating and synthesizing knowledge from a vast array of online and community sources.

4. Foster Open, Synthesizing Digital Ecosystems: Mandate and fund the development of open digital platforms that connect classroom learning with community knowledge repositories. Encourage academic work to be published and debated on interactive, public forums, using AI to translate and disseminate findings across language and knowledge boundaries.

5. Depoliticize the Digital Sphere for Epistemic Liberation: This is the foundational imperative. The government must separate political strategy from communications and education policy. Laws that weaponize the digital space for control must be repealed. Advisory roles must be filled by forward-looking, ethical technologists and educators, not political loyalists blind to the future. If we continue to subordinate the transformative power of the Internet, AI, and Social Media to short-term politics, we will remain a 20th-century relic, blurring our future and forfeiting our place in the 22nd century.

Conclusion: The Choice Between Epistemic Colonialism and Intellectual Sovereignty

Uganda stands at an epistemic crossroads. One path continues to prepare learners for a fragmented past, using education as a tool for political compliance and disciplinary confinement. This path of digital authoritarianism and intellectual siloing ensures we remain a 20th-century relic in the 21st century, our future blurred, our progress stalled. Our graduates will be illiterate in the language of their own time.

The other path leads to intellectual sovereignty. By courageously placing the Internet, AI, and Social Media at the core of education, we empower a generation of agile, critical synthesizers. We unlock an extradisciplinary approach where AI becomes the bridge between our rich heritage and the future’s toolkit, enabling uniquely African solutions to global challenges. This transforms Uganda from a consumer of imported knowledge into a producer of integrated wisdom.

The choice is stark. Let us educate for an open, synthesizing, and sovereign future. Let us embrace the extradisciplinary potential of our age, or be prepared to be erased by it. The time for teaching to the past is over. The future demands its own architects.

For God and My Country.

Prof.  Oweyegha-Afunaduula is a Conservation Biologist and member of Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis

NEW VOTING DATE: Electoral Commission moves to safeguard local democracy by rescheduling disrupted polls to a later date this month

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The Electoral Commission (EC) has moved to protect the integrity of local governance by rescheduling elections in areas where polling was disrupted, setting Tuesday, February 17, 2026, as the new voting date for affected Local Government Council electoral areas.

The decision follows the failure to conduct or conclude polling in some areas like Butebo district during the earlier electoral exercise, which had been scheduled for February 4, 2026. According to the EC, the postponement was necessitated by unforeseen circumstances, prompting the need for a fresh and orderly vote.

The rescheduled elections will cover a range of leadership positions at the City/District, Municipality/City Division and Sub-county, Town or Municipal Division levels. These include chairpersons, directly elected councillors, women councillors, as well as representatives of special interest groups, namely youths, older persons, workers and persons with disabilities.

Voting in the affected areas will take place at all gazetted polling stations and, where applicable, at venues designated for electoral colleges. Polling will open at 7:00 a.m. and close at 4:00 p.m., with counting and declaration of results to follow at the respective polling stations.

While announcing the new date, the EC was keen to draw a clear distinction between the rescheduled polls and the broader national programme. The Commission emphasized that February 4 remains the official polling day under the General Elections Roadmap for sub-county, town and municipal division elections nationwide, where voting will proceed as planned through universal adult suffrage.

EC Chairperson Justice Byabakama Mugenyi Simon called on all electoral stakeholders to use the extended window to prepare for a peaceful and law-abiding exercise, noting that the Commission’s priority is to ensure every eligible voter in the affected areas has a fair opportunity to participate.

The announcement underscores the Commission’s effort to balance adherence to the electoral roadmap with the need to guarantee credible and inclusive local elections, particularly in communities where the initial vote was interrupted.

EDUCATION IMPERATIVE: Embracing the sciences of interconnectedness of learning in Uganda

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By Oweyegha-Afunaduula

From Disciplinary Silos to Holistic Solutions for the 21st Century

For generations, Uganda’s education system has been structured around rigid disciplinary lines—a model inherited from colonial pedagogy and later adapted for political compliance. This system produces graduates who are highly specialized in narrow fields but are often alienated from their communities and unprepared to tackle the interconnected, “wicked” problems of the modern world, such as climate change, food security, and ethical technological integration.

The digital age, dominated by the internet, social media, and artificial intelligence, demands a different kind of thinker. It requires minds that can integrate, innovate, and operate beyond traditional boundaries. The path forward lies in institutionalizing what we term the Sciences of Interconnectedness: a deliberate progression from interdisciplinary to crossdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, and ultimately, extradisciplinary learning.

The Framework of Interconnectedness: A Progression of Thought

To move forward, we must understand the distinct yet connected sciences that break down academic silos:

· Interdisciplinarity represents the first, crucial step beyond a single discipline. It involves integrating methods and insights from two or more disciplines to solve problems that one field cannot address alone. For example, developing a public health policy requires integrating medicine, statistics, economics, and sociology.

· Crossdisciplinarity involves viewing one subject through the lens of a completely different discipline. It’s the act of applying the logic of computer science to analyze historical patterns or using artistic principles to improve engineering design. This approach “master[s] different ways of working across subjects”.

· Transdisciplinarity transcends and unites academic disciplines to address complex real-world challenges. It focuses on the problem itself, such as sustainable agriculture or urban planning, and involves co-creating knowledge with stakeholders outside academia—farmers, community leaders, policymakers, and industry. As one program describes, it aims to “create an environment for University Students… to meet with experts and non-experts”. A visual analogy is a baked cake: once mixed, the individual ingredients (disciplines) are indistinguishable, creating something entirely new and unified.

· Extradisciplinary thought is the frontier. It operates entirely “beyond the disciplines,” free from their restrictions. It draws upon and validates knowledge from outside the formal academic canon, such as indigenous wisdom, traditional ecological knowledge, and community-based innovation. This is where true, unrestricted innovation in fields like information technology often begins.

From Theory to Practice: Seeds of Change in Uganda and Beyond

This framework is not merely theoretical. Pioneering initiatives in East Africa demonstrate its practical application and transformative potential:

· Agroecology as a Transdisciplinary Model: The Transdisciplinary Learning Initiatives (TDLI) programme, coordinated by Biovision Africa Trust in partnership with Makerere University, is a prime example. Its international training course brings together students, researchers, farmers, and policymakers to co-create solutions for sustainable agri-food systems. Learning moves sequentially from online theory to field excursions, practical data collection, and finally, workshops with farmers and policymakers. This model dissolves the wall between the university and the world it should serve.

· The Power of University-Community Engagement: Research on Ugandan universities shows that community engagement programs create a vital feedback loop. Students and faculty gain real-world context and practical skills, while communities benefit from academic resources and collaborative problem-solving. This relationship is a practical engine for transdisciplinary and extradisciplinary learning, fostering “an improved understanding of community issues and the development of collective capacity”.

· A Foundational Mindset in Primary Education: Even at the primary level, institutions like the International School of Uganda are cultivating this integrative mindset through the International Baccalaureate’s Primary Years Programme. Learning is organized around broad, transdisciplinary themes like “How the world works” and “Sharing the planet,” uniting knowledge from language, mathematics, and science to build a holistic understanding from an early age.

A Blueprint for Action: Integrating Interconnectedness into Uganda’s System

For Uganda to harness these sciences, a multi-level strategy is required:

· For Policymakers & University Leadership: Mandate and fund the development of new, problem-centered degree programs and research institutes that are structured around themes (e.g., Water Security, Urban Futures) rather than departments. Revise promotion and tenure guidelines to reward collaborative, community-engaged research and teaching.

· For Educators & Curriculum Designers: Replace some traditional, single-subject courses with project-based modules. For instance, a module on “Lake Victoria’s Future” could integrate biology, economics, political science, and communication studies. Actively invite practitioners and community experts as guest lecturers and co-teachers.

· For Students & Scholars: Actively seek out courses and projects that challenge disciplinary boundaries. Develop the skill of “knowledge translation”—learning to communicate complex ideas across different fields and to the public. Embrace the identity of being a “team scientist”.

The resistance from entrenched disciplinary interests, which one source aptly characterizes as “slow professors,” is significant. Overcoming this requires courageous leadership and a societal recognition that the complexity of our era cannot be solved by the fragmented knowledge of the past.

Conclusion: Reconnecting Knowledge for a Sovereign Future

The call for the Sciences of Interconnectedness is more than an academic reform; it is a project of national reclamation and future-proofing. It seeks to heal the alienation between the educated elite and their communities, producing graduates who are not “Yes Sir” technicians but critical, innovative, and holistic problem-solvers.

By moving beyond the rigid disciplinarity of the 20th century, Uganda can educate citizens who are sovereign in thought, capable of ethical innovation, and equipped to navigate the uncertainties of the 21st century and beyond. The ingredients for this transformation—from transdisciplinary agricultural programs to community-engaged universities—already exist within our borders. What is needed now is the decisive will to mix them into a new, more nourishing future for Ugandan education.

For God and My Country.

Further Reading

Historical & Political Context of Uganda’s Education

· Reference: Kamya, B. (Date). Analysis of the Different Education Policy Reforms in Uganda, 1922-2000 [Working Paper].

· Why it fits: This academic analysis directly supports the article’s core critique. It argues that reforms from the colonial era through independence have failed to achieve quality and equity, leaving the system burdened by its past. This source is excellent for grounding your historical argument.

· Where to cite it: When discussing the colonial legacy and the failure of post-independence reforms to break from the rigid disciplinary model.

Foundational Frameworks for the “Sciences of Interconnectedness”

· Reference: Claremont Graduate University (2021). Abilities, Domains, and the Transdisciplinary Mindset. See also: Resources – Transdisciplinary Studies.

· Why it fits: These resources provide the authoritative, detailed definitions your article needs. They clearly differentiate interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, and related concepts, and outline the specific abilities (e.g., integrative skills, effective collaboration) and competencies (e.g., systems thinking, design thinking) required.

· Where to cite it:

  · In the section defining “Interdisciplinarity,””Transdisciplinarity,” etc.

  · When describing the skills and mindset needed for future-ready graduates.

· Reference: Institute for the Future (2011). Future Work Skills 2020.

· Why it fits: This report forecasts that future work will require the ability to understand concepts across multiple disciplines. It provides external, global validation for the argument that integrative thinking is an economic and social imperative.

· Where to cite it: When making the case that the globalized world and future economy demand a shift away from siloed knowledge.

Practical Examples & Pathways for Uganda

· Reference: Laudato Youth Initiative (2025, September 22). Integrating Environmental Education into Uganda’s National Curricula: Unleashing Innovation for Agriculture, Biology, and Livelihoods.

· Why it fits: This is a powerful, timely Ugandan case study. It argues for a competence-based, holistic approach to environmental education that integrates science, indigenous knowledge, and ethics—a perfect example of transdisciplinary learning in action. It also references Uganda’s Vision 2040 and competence-based curriculum.

· Where to cite it:

  · As a concrete example of a transdisciplinary model within the Ugandan context.

  · When discussing the integration of indigenous knowledge and community-based learning.

· Reference: Oweyegha-Afunaduula, F. C. (2024). Advancing Environmental Public Learning in Uganda.

· Why it fits: This article is essential. It directly calls for adopting the “learning sciences of interdisciplinarity, crossdisciplinarity, transdisciplinarity and extradisciplinarity” in Ugandan universities. It provides the philosophical grounding for the multidimensional approach the article champions.

· Where to cite it: To anchor the entire argument in my own established scholarship on this topic, particularly when introducing the “Sciences of Interconnectedness.”

Additional Supporting References

· For benefits of interdisciplinary learning: Interdisciplinary Studies: Preparing Students for a Complex World discusses how it enhances critical thinking and problem-solving. Interdisciplinary Learning: Building Future-Ready Thinkers argues it builds skills for an interconnected world and mentions changing workforce demands.

· For pedagogical strategies: Linking Interdisciplinary Units to Real-World Issues offers a practical, step-by-step guide for designing interdisciplinary curricula around global themes.

For God and My Country

Prof. Oweyegha-Afunaduula is a Conservation Biologist and member of Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis

BUNYA COUNTY EAST: Court nullifies election petition by NUP candidate who backed age limit bill

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By Bamutaze Sam Mwanjje

The Chief Magistrate’s Court of Mayuge District has dismissed an election petition filed by Waira Kiwalabye Majegere James, the National Unity Platform (NUP) candidate for Bunya County East, challenging the outcome of the January 15, 2026 general election.

Majegere, a former two-term Member of Parliament, lost the seat to Bishop Ekoro Alex Irukan of the National Resistance Movement (NRM). According to results declared by the Electoral Commission, Irukan garnered 13,994 votes, while Majegere obtained 13,573 votes.

Through his lawyers led by Counsel Kilema Faizo, Majegere petitioned the Chief Magistrate’s Court seeking a recount of votes, alleging electoral malpractice and vote rigging by the NRM candidate.

However, in a ruling delivered at 1:30pm, Chief Magistrate John Paul Osauro dismissed the application, citing failure by the petitioner to comply with mandatory provisions of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

The court found that Majegere did not properly deposit the required security for costs, noting that proof of payment was only presented on the day of hearing, contrary to the law.

The magistrate further ruled that the law requires applications for vote recounts to be filed within four days, and in any case not later than seven days after the declaration of results. The court held that Majegere failed to meet these statutory timelines.

“On those grounds, the application is null and void,” the magistrate ruled.

Majegere’s petition was therefore dismissed without the court delving into the merits of the alleged electoral irregularities.

Majegere is among the former Members of Parliament who voted in favour of the removal of presidential age limits before later crossing to the National Unity Platform in 2022.

INSTANT ACCESS: How to check PLE 2025 results on your phone

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The Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) has officially released the 2025 Primary Leaving Examination (PLE) results.

UNEB has advised candidates and parents that the results can be easily accessed using a mobile phone through the SMS service available on MTN and Airtel networks.

Steps to Check PLE Results by Phone

1.            Go to Messages on your phone

2.            Type PLE

3.            Leave a space

4.            Enter the full index number of the candidate

5.            Send the message to 6600

Example:

To check results for a candidate with index number 654321/001, type:

PLE 654321/001 and send to 6600

Each SMS costs Shs500 per candidate, and the results will be delivered instantly if the correct procedure is followed.

NEW CURRICULUM WORRIES: UNEB flags gaps in Competency-Based Learning as majority of PLE 2025 candidates remain in mid-level performance

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The Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB) has raised concern over gaps in the implementation of competency-based learning after the majority of candidates who sat the 2025 Primary Leaving Examination (PLE) demonstrated only medium-level mastery of subject knowledge.

According to the official PLE 2025 results released on Friday, nearly two-thirds of candidates across all four subjects — English, Mathematics, Integrated Science, and Social Studies with Religious Education — fell under the medium ability category, with fewer than 20 per cent exhibiting higher-order skills such as application and problem-solving in new situations .

UNEB said the findings point to persistent challenges in transitioning classroom instruction from rote learning to competency-based education, which emphasizes critical thinking, application of knowledge, and real-life problem solving.

English Shows Progress, SST Raises Alarm

The item response analysis shows that English recorded the strongest performance, with 18.5 per cent of candidates demonstrating higher-level ability, followed by Mathematics (16.4%), Integrated Science (15.6%), and Social Studies with Religious Education (15.9%) .

Despite English showing improvement compared to 2024, UNEB reported a sharp decline in Social Studies and Religious Education, attributing the drop to teachers’ slow adjustment to competency-based teaching approaches. Examiners noted that many candidates struggled with questions requiring application of knowledge to their communities, national issues, and real-life scenarios in Uganda.

Persistent Learning Gaps Identified

UNEB highlighted specific learning areas where candidates — including those in the higher-ability category — faced difficulties. In Mathematics, candidates struggled with applying percentages in real-life contexts such as buying and selling, interpreting bearings, and solving distance-time-speed problems. In English, weaknesses were noted in composition structure, punctuation, vocabulary, and inferential comprehension .

In Integrated Science, candidates had difficulty explaining practical concepts such as flotation, fire control, first aid responsibilities, and simple machines, while Social Studies candidates struggled with climate factors, rights of children, factors of production, and lessons from the National Anthem.

UNEB warned that these gaps, if not addressed, could undermine the objectives of the new lower secondary curriculum that builds on foundational competencies developed at primary level.

Growing Numbers, Strong Participation

A total of 817,883 candidates registered for the 2025 PLE, marking a 2.6 per cent increase from 2024. Of these, 807,313 candidates sat the examination, while 10,570 candidates (1.3%) were absent — the same absentee rate recorded the previous year and lower than in earlier years .

Girls continued to outnumber boys, accounting for 52.4 per cent of registered candidates, reinforcing UNEB’s observation that more girls are completing the primary education cycle.

Division Results Show Mixed Picture

While overall pass numbers improved, UNEB data show that performance remains heavily concentrated in Division Two, which accounted for 48.1 per cent of candidates. Division One passes increased to 91,990, up from 84,301 in 2024, while the proportion of ungraded candidates also rose slightly to 9.55 per cent.

UNEB said the results reflect steady progress at the top end but called for renewed focus on learners at the lower end of the performance spectrum.

Malpractice Threatens Examination Integrity

UNEB also sounded the alarm over increasingly organised examination malpractice, revealing that some school administrators and directors bribed or threatened invigilators to allow teacher assistance in examination rooms. As a result, results for affected candidates have been withheld pending investigations, particularly in districts including Kampala, Mukono, Kisoro, Kassanda, Buyende and Kaliro.

The Board, however, praised districts such as Kyenjojo, where strict enforcement in previous years has led to improved compliance.

Call for Teacher Re-training

UNEB urged the Ministry of Education and Sports to intensify teacher support, re-training, and supervision to align classroom practices with competency-based assessment.

Detailed subject performance reports will be shared with schools to guide remedial teaching and curriculum improvement.

MAN ON THE RUN: Bobi Wine dares Gen Muhoozi to catch him after threats on social media

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In a dramatic response to a series of erratic social media posts by Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, has dared the military leader to catch him if he can.

The challenge came after Gen. Muhoozi posted on X, formerly Twitter, that the military was hunting for Bobi Wine, who is currently in hiding. Gen. Muhoozi described Bobi Wine as “wanted dead or alive” and stated that it did not matter how long it took for security forces to apprehend him.

In a post on X this morning, Bobi Wine attached a screenshot of Gen. Muhoozi’s post and responded, “A rebel without a gun, hiding in plain sight and yet you can’t find me because I’m concealed by the people.” The opposition leader’s response has sparked widespread reaction on social media, with many Ugandans expressing outrage and concern over the safety of opposition figures in the country.

The controversy began after Gen. Muhoozi revealed that the military had briefly detained Bobi Wine’s wife, Barbie Kyagulanyi, during a raid on their Magere residence. However, in a surprising turn of events, Gen. Muhoozi seemed to backtrack on his earlier comments, describing Barbie as a “decent lady” and stating that any soldier who attempted to touch her would be punished severely.

The developments come amid renewed debate over the safety of opposition figures in Uganda, particularly after the disputed presidential election on January 15, 2026.

Bobi Wine, the leader of the National Unity Platform (NUP), was President Yoweri Museveni’s main challenger in the election, which the Electoral Commission declared Museveni won with 72% of the vote against Bobi Wine’s 24%. Bobi Wine and his party rejected the results, citing widespread irregularities.

The government and police officials have previously denied that the state was pursuing or hunting Bobi Wine, but Gen. Muhoozi’s comments have raised concerns about the intentions of the military and the government. The situation remains tense, with many Ugandans calling for calm and restraint.

As the situation continues to unfold, Bobi Wine’s dare to Gen. Muhoozi has set the stage for a potentially dramatic confrontation. Will the military be able to catch Bobi Wine, or will he continue to evade capture? Only time will tell.

ARCHITECTURE OF CIRCUMVENTION: How the Ugandan executive sidelines the public interest

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By Oweyegha-Afunaduula and Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis

Introduction: The Broken Covenant

When the National Resistance Movement (NRM) assumed power four decades ago, it pledged a fundamental break from a past marred by strife and misrule, promising a government that would finally serve the public interest. The 1995 Constitution, born of this promise, solemnly commits the state to principles of democracy, social justice, balanced development, and the protection of natural resources for the people of Uganda. Yet, a profound disconnection has emerged between this constitutional mandate and the lived reality of governance.

This essay argues that the Ugandan executive, under President Tibuhaburwa Museveni, has not merely failed to uphold the public interest but has engineered a sophisticated architecture to systematically circumvent it. This architecture is built upon three interlocking pillars: the militarization of the state, the political economy of dispossession, and the strategic subversion of constitutionalism. Through these mechanisms, a philosophy that prioritizes elite interests, political survival, and a narrow vision of development over the welfare, identity, and ecological belonging of the citizenry has been institutionalized, betraying the very covenant upon which modern Uganda was to be built.

I. The Garrison State: Militarization as the Foundation of Control

The primary mechanism for circumventing public interest is the transformation of the state into a garrison, where security apparatuses are designed for regime preservation rather than public protection. This represents not a security strategy but a political project for perpetual control. The executive has meticulously blurred the lines between military and civilian spheres, ensuring that all levers of state coercion align with presidential interests.

This is evidenced by the systematic militarization of the police force. Once envisioned as a civilian institution, its leadership is now dominated by high-ranking military officers, effectively rebranding it into a brutal, militarized arm of the executive. Its function has shifted from service to suppression, particularly during electoral cycles or public dissent.

Furthermore, the weaponization of justice through the use of military courts to try civilians for political offenses shreds the constitutional right to a fair trial before an independent judiciary. This practice, a direct inheritance from the colonial King’s African Rifles model of suppressing dissent, has been modernized and intensified.

The military’s penetration extends into agriculture (Operation Wealth Creation), infrastructure, and local administration, embedding a command-and-control ethos into the fabric of daily governance. This structure directly facilitates the Power Retention Project, enforces an Apartheid-like governance model where rights are conditional on political compliance, and enables the Ethnisation of everything by ensuring that key security and resource controls reside within a trusted ethnic and familial cadre. This creates a functional “Bantustanisation” of the state itself, where control is centralized and dissent is securitized.

II. The Political Economy of Dispossession: From Colonial Law to Modern Land Grabs

The second pillar is an economic model that conflates national development with elite accumulation and territorial control, actively dispossessing the public of their land, heritage, and future. This model has a clear legal genealogy. The 1938 Busuulu and Envujo Law, which commodified Mailo land and entrenched tenant-landlord conflicts, established a precedent where statutory law overrides customary land rights to facilitate control and revenue extraction. The modern executive operates on this same principle, advancing a philosophy that “development should come before environment, nature and people.”

This philosophy manifests with devastating clarity in the case of the Benet community on Mount Elgon. Violently evicted from their ancestral lands in the early 2000s to create the Mount Elgon National Park, they were rendered “conservation refugees.” Over a decade later, despite presidential promises, they remain in temporary camps with inadequate water, sanitation, or healthcare—a permanent underclass in their own territory. This is not an isolated incident but part of a systemic pattern of state-sanctioned land grabbing, repeated in Apaa, Zoka Forest, and Kiryandongo for wildlife reserves and industrial farms.

The consequence is more than physical displacement; it is the infliction of solastalgia—a profound psychic distress caused by the obliteration of one’s ecological home. This process leads to the deliberate erasure of culture and associated ecological belonging, severing communities from their ecological memories and autobiographies. The land is then often transferred to exogenes, facilitating the primitive accumulation of wealth for a connected few.

Loan-driven programs like the Parish Development Model or Myooga, launched with great fanfare but little circumspection for political gain, further this cycle by indebting individuals and communities, often forcing them to sell their only asset—land—to repay state-facilitated loans. This individualisation of development and Bantustanisation project fractures communal solidarity and creates a population dependent on and vulnerable to executive patronage.

III. The Façade of Legalism: Subversion and Diversion

The third pillar involves hollowing out the constitutional order from within while diverting national resources to serve parallel interests, creating a facade of legality. A deliberate and widening chasm exists between the letter of the Constitution and the practice of governance. While the Directive Principles of State Policy command the state to ensure balanced development, protect natural resources for the people, and involve them in development programmes, executive action consistently trends in the opposite direction.

Fiscal policy exemplifies this subversion. Despite modest GDP growth, the state’s overallocation of money to non-productive, overconsumptive ventures—most notably the ever-expanding budget of State House and the military—actively siphons capital away from social development, healthcare, and education. This entrenched inequality is a policy choice, as government action has had a “very modest effect” on reducing high inequality, partly due to chronically low social spending.

Simultaneously, the executive promotes a “refugee economy.” While hosting refugees is a humanitarian imperative, the strategic emphasis on this sector, amidst chronic underfunding of international responses, raises questions about its role as a diversion of resources and a source of political capital on the international stage, often at the expense of marginalized indigenous groups.

Furthermore, the executive cultivates a political and discursive monoculture. Just as agricultural monocultures destroy biodiversity, a monoculture of a single, dominant political narrative is enforced where “fear and repression have largely silenced opposing voices.” This environment enables prioritizing Politics and personalist leadership over policy, where initiatives are launched for political gain rather than public good, and the hereditary presidency is normalized through the manipulation of legal and political processes. This environment allows the executive to ignore with impunity the judiciary’s occasional courageous rulings—such as those against illegal evictions—revealing the stark limits of paper-based constitutionalism.

IV. Synthesis: The Executive’s Architecture and the Enfeebled State

The executive’s sophisticated architecture for circumventing public interest does not operate in a vacuum. Its effectiveness is contingent upon, and actively cultivates, the strategic enfeeblement of the other constitutional arms of the state—the Legislature and the Judiciary.

The Legislature: From Overseer to Rubber Stamp

Parliament has been systematically neutered. The executive ensures this through the weaponization of its overwhelming majority, transforming the legislature from a debating chamber into a voting machine for executive-centric budgets and legislation. Furthermore, patronage systems like the Parish Development Model create dependency, undermining legislators’ independent advocacy and fostering the “individualisation of development.” Coupled with a repressed civic space, this ensures robust parliamentary oversight is stifled.

The Judiciary: Brave Rulings, Weak Enforcement

The judiciary presents a more complex picture. Judges have delivered landmark rulings against executive excess, affirming constitutionalism. However, these victories are often pyrrhic. The executive routinely ignores or delays implementing unfavorable court orders, as seen in the perpetual plight of the Benet. The lack of enforcement mechanisms and personal consequences for contempt creates a “façade of legalism” where the executive enjoys the legitimacy of a constitutional order while subverting its substance.

Conclusion: The Unified Anatomy of Circumvention

Therefore, the circumvention of public interest is the central organizing principle of the Ugandan state. It is a unified anatomy with three interdependent parts: The Executive as the Architect, designing policies of militarization and dispossession; The Legislature as a Neutered Arena, reduced to a rubber stamp; and The Judiciary as a Contested Space, its rulings absorbed into a system of structured impunity.

The “public interest” sworn to be protected is fragmented and defeated at each turn: by the gun of the militarized state, by the pen of the co-opted legislature, and in the gap between the judiciary’s word and the executive’s deed. Reclaiming it, therefore, requires not isolated reforms but a simultaneous, systemic struggle to rebuild all three pillars of the state around their original, constitutional mandate—to serve not the interests of a few, but the identity, welfare, and future of all Ugandans.

For God and My Country.

THE TRUTH: General Muhoozi Kainerugaba reveals ongoing “Dead‑or‑Alive” manhunt for Bobi Wine and brief detention of his wife, Barbie Kyagulanyi

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In a series of late‑night posts on the social‑media platform X (formerly Twitter), General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) and son of President Yoweri Museveni, announced that the military is actively hunting opposition figure Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, better known as “Bobi Wine”, “dead or alive”.

The statements, first posted in the early hours of Friday, 30 January, 2026, marked a stark reversal from earlier government denials that security forces were seeking to arrest the former presidential candidate, who finished with roughly 24 % of the vote in the 15 January 2026, election that re‑elected Museveni with 72 % of the ballot.

“It doesn’t matter how long it takes – we will get him,” the CDF wrote in a brief tweet. In another tweet, attaching a photo of a woman believed to be Barbie Kyagulanyi, Bobi Wine’s wife, sitting under the watch of a soldier in a military vest and jeans, Gen Muhoozi said, “This is when our soldiers captured and then released Kabobi’s wife, Barbie. She was very helpful in helping us find her husband. Kabobi is next.”

In another post, Gen. Muhoozi added, “As he is taking selfies and videos, his wife was captured. The definition of an IDIOT!” He also warned foreign governments: “Any foreign powers who attempt to smuggle Kabobi outside the country are going to create a serious rupture in relations!”

When asked by Member of Parliament Daudi Kabanda (Kasambya County) whether there was any possibility of clemency for Kyagulanyi, Muhoozi replied, “PLU can forgive rebels even on their deathbeds.” The Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU) is a political pressure group that publicly aligns with the CDF.

Bobi Wine, who has been in exile inside Uganda since the night after the election, posts videos and photos on his own X account showing himself speaking from different locations.

Robert Kyagulanyi, a former pop star turned politician, first entered the national stage in 2017 with his “People Power” movement. He ran for president in 2021, finishing second behind President Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986.

Following the 2026 vote, the government announced a crackdown on “terrorist” elements linked to the opposition, a claim that has been widely disputed.

For now, Bobi Wine remains “at large”, according to his own statements, and his whereabouts continue to be the subject of speculation.  

BUDGETING CYCLE: Parliament approves National Budget Framework Paper for next financial year

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Parliament on Thursday evening approved the National Budget Framework Paper (NBFP) for the Financial Years 2026/27 after an extensive debate on the report of the Committee on Budget.

Presenting the government’s position, the Minister of State for Finance (General Duties), Henry Musasizi, said the strategic policy direction for the next financial year and the medium term is anchored on delivering tenfold economic growth, with the goal of expanding Uganda’s economy to USD 500 billion by 2040.

Musasizi told Parliament that the government will prioritise investment in key growth sectors under the ATMS and Enablers framework, alongside a strong push for export growth, to accelerate socio-economic transformation. He added that the economy is projected to grow between 6.5 per cent and 7 per cent in FY 2026/27.

In line with the strict timelines set out in the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), Cap 171, the minister pledged the Finance Ministry’s full support to Parliament to ensure that the FY 2026/27 budget is processed by the end of April 2026, ahead of the inauguration of the 12th Parliament.

Musasizi outlined a number of priority actions Government will focus on in the next financial year, including stamping out budgetary practices that breed corruption, closing leakages in routine expenditures such as transfers to schools and health centres, and strengthening payroll management.

Other key focus areas include improving cash and liquidity management, enhancing Uganda’s sovereign credit ratings, diversifying sources of development finance through innovative instruments, strengthening internal controls and audit functions, and completing public procurement reforms.

The government also plans to improve the management and maintenance of public assets, increase domestic revenue mobilisation, strengthen governance and supervision of state-owned enterprises, and address challenges affecting project execution, including low absorption of borrowed funds and inadequate counterpart funding for externally financed projects.

Musasizi further said the government will strengthen the capacity of the Uganda Bureau of Standards (UNBS) to improve certification of products for both export and the domestic market, enhance performance management in the public service, improve coordination across government, and clear the existing stock of domestic arrears while preventing the accumulation of new ones. He noted that a strategy is already in place to eliminate the current arrears stock over three financial years starting in FY 2025/26.

According to the Ministry of Finance, the preliminary resource envelope for FY 2026/27 stands at Shs 69.399 trillion, down from Shs 72.376 trillion in FY 2025/26. Domestic revenues are projected at Shs 40.090 trillion, up from Shs 36.806 trillion in the current financial year.

Government discretionary funding, net of arrears, interest payments and domestic debt repayments, is projected at Shs 31.059 trillion, compared to Shs 32.480 trillion in FY 2025/26. Domestic borrowing is expected to reduce to Shs 8.952 trillion, down from Shs 11.381 trillion, while domestic debt refinancing is projected at Shs 9.68 trillion, also lower than the Shs 10.028 trillion projected for the current year.

External budget financing is projected to decline sharply from Shs 2.084 trillion in FY 2025/26 to Shs 330.97 billion, while external project financing is expected to reduce to Shs 10.018 trillion from Shs 11.327 trillion.

The FY 2026/27 budget will be financed through a mix of domestic and external resources, including tax revenues, loans and grants. The government will prioritise concessional borrowing for social projects and leverage innovative financing with competitive terms for high-return infrastructure investments.

Musasizi said the government will also reprioritise resources within the current fiscal framework to improve efficiency, intensify efforts to boost domestic revenue mobilisation, attract foreign direct investment, and maintain sound fiscal and monetary policies to safeguard macroeconomic stability and improve Uganda’s credit ratings.