The luxurious Serena Hotel Kampala is the place to be this Saturday evening for lovers of jazz music. The dfcu Jazz in the Pearl Festival, headlined by Grammy-winning saxophonist Kirk Whalum, is happening. On the same stage will be Uganda’s jazz icon Isaiah Katumwa, a man whose name is now synonymous with world-class jazz experiences across the world.
At a press conference, Whalum, clearly moved by his connection to the Pearl of Africa, reflected on the deeper meaning of performing here. “When I come to Uganda and play jazz music, I feel like I am paying back a debt,” he said. “There’s a different energy, a deeper connection, a sense of coming home. It’s like I’ve become a child again and my eyes wide open with wonder.”
This Saturday, fans can expect not just a concert, but an experience: an elegant blend of smooth jazz, soulful storytelling, and African rhythm. Also joining the line-up, adding their own groove, are Tshaka Mayanja and the Black Roots Academy of Soul.
dfcu Bank, CEO Charles Mudiwa, spoke passionately about the power of music to connect people. “In Africa, we don’t just listen to music; we live it. This festival is therefore more than an event; it’s a shared journey,” he said.
Isaiah Katumwa, the festival’s founder and visionary force, has long dreamed of placing Uganda on the global jazz map. With this inaugural festival, that dream inches closer to reality. “The dfcu Jazz in th Pearl Festival is about building a cultural landmark—something that puts Uganda on the world stage as a destination for creativity and elegance.”
Helena Mayanja, dfcu Bank’s Head of Corporate Affairs and Sustainability, emphasized that this is just the beginning. “This is not a one-off celebration,” she noted. “dfcu Jazz in the Pearl will return every year as an annual tradition honouring creativity, musical mastery, and African cultural expression.”
The event kicks off at 6 PM on Saturday, May 10, 2025, at Serena Hotel Kampala. Come dressed to impress, ready to sway, and open to the magic of the music.
In an event that sent ripples across the world, Cardinal Robert Prevost has been elected the first American pope, taking the name Pope Leo XIV. His election not only marks a historic first for the United States, but also signals a moment of profound reflection for the global Catholic Church. The Vatican has long been a spiritual epicenter, but today, it finds itself intersecting with the geopolitical clout of a superpower. The question now is: how will this convergence of faith and global influence shape the future of the Church and the world?
Pope Leo XIV’s ascension is, by every measure, historic. Born in Chicago, forged in the spiritual trenches of Peru, and seasoned in Rome’s ecclesiastical governance, Leo XIV represents a rare blend of American boldness, Latin American humility, and Vatican diplomacy. His roots stretch across continents, a living embodiment of the universality of the Church. And yet, it is not just his nationality that makes headlines, but the symbolism that an American now wears the white robes of St. Peter.
The United States, long regarded as a secular titan with immense political and economic reach, now sees one of its own at the helm of the world’s largest religious institution. But this is not merely about national pride, though social media erupted with celebratory tones — from President Trump’s congratulatory message to Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson’s cheeky quip, “Everything dope, including the Pope, comes from Chicago.” This moment calls for deeper contemplation beyond patriotic exuberance.
The papacy is not a political office, nor should it be seen as a geopolitical win for any one country. The Pope is a shepherd, not a statesman — his allegiance is to the Kingdom of God, not to the stars and stripes. Pope Leo XIV’s first words were not laced with nationalism, but with prayer. He addressed the world with a message of peace, urging hearts to be open to compassion, and he paid tribute to the late Pope Francis, whose papacy emphasized mercy, inclusivity, and justice.
Pope Leo XIV comes at a time when the world is crying out for moral clarity, unity, and healing. The Catholic Church, too, faces internal challenges — from declining vocations in the West, to the growing influence of secular ideologies, to the lingering wounds of past scandals. This is not the time for spectacle; it is a time for reform, reconciliation, and renewal. Leo XIV’s background suggests he understands this. As a missionary in Peru, he ministered not from palaces, but among the people. As head of the Vatican’s Congregation for Bishops, he has had a hand in shaping the next generation of Church leadership — a task that demands wisdom and discernment.
That said, the intersection of American identity and papal leadership will be scrutinized. Critics will question whether the global south — where Catholicism is growing most rapidly — has once again been sidelined. Others will worry about the perception of Western ideological influence infiltrating the Church. These are valid concerns. But they must also be tempered by recognizing that Pope Leo XIV is no mere political appointment. He is a man of the Church, tested in mission, and deeply pastoral in his heart.
What this moment offers is an opportunity — not for America to celebrate a victory, but for the Church to reintroduce itself with new energy and global relevance. Pope Leo XIV can use his platform not to showcase American values, but to remind the world of Christian ones: love, humility, service, justice, and peace. His dual citizenship is symbolic not of divided loyalty, but of a Church that spans borders and bridges worlds.
As thousands filled St. Peter’s Square and bells rang out over Rome, one could sense a collective yearning — not just for new leadership, but for spiritual anchoring in uncertain times. That yearning has found a name: Leo XIV. The world is watching. The faithful are praying. And history has taken a bold, unexpected step forward.
Daglous Bakinyumya is a Political TV Producer and TV Host – @BDouglasPaapa
Robinah Achomo Kaima, a passionate advocate for the people of Buyende, is vying for the position of District Woman Member of Parliament under the National Resistance Movement (NRM). Driven by a deep understanding of the district’s unique challenges and unparalleled potential, Achomo, born in Kirimira village, Kiwaba Parish, Nkondo Sub County, offers a compelling vision for its future.
In this interview with Busoga Times, she shares her plans and aspirations for Buyende, outlining how she intends to uplift the people in the district and contribute to its overall prosperity.
What motivated you to seek the position of District Woman MP for Buyende?
My motivation stems from a profound commitment to serving the people of Buyende, particularly the women and children who are the backbone of our communities. I’ve witnessed firsthand the struggles my people especially women face, from limited access to resources and healthcare to the challenges of economic empowerment.
Robinah Achomo Kaima is vying for the position of District Woman Member of Parliament for Buyende district under the National Resistance Movement. She shares her big plans in this exclusive interview.
I firmly believe that empowering women and children is the cornerstone of a strong family unit. It’s widely understood that the family serves as the fundamental building block of any community. Therefore, by prioritizing the well-being and agency of women and children, we lay the groundwork for resilient and thriving families. These strong and empowered families, in turn, will create strong communities, and ultimately, a strong Buyende district and a strong Uganda.
Empowered families are better equipped to ensure their children are healthy and ready to learn, leading to improved educational outcomes. They are also more likely to engage in entrepreneurial activities, fostering sustainable businesses and economic growth. This empowerment will ripple throughout Buyende, from the close-knit community of Nkoone, where my uncles reside, to the warm and welcoming people of Bukungu, fostering an environment of harmony, cooperation, and shared prosperity for all.
I believe I possess the experience, the passion, and the dedication to effectively represent the interests of the people of Buyende and advocate for policies that will truly make a difference in their lives. I want to be the voice of my people in parliament, championing their needs and ensuring they have the opportunities they deserve. I might be a district Woman MP, but I will be an MP for all the genders in Buyende. Women are most happy when men are happy.
What are the most pressing issues facing women in Buyende district today?
Several critical issues demand our immediate and sustained attention if we are to achieve true gender equality and empower women to reach their full potential.
Achomo promises to maintain constant communication with constituents, providing them with regular updates on progress being made and seeking their feedback because she believes in the power and importance of accountability and effective implementation of government and community programmes.
Firstly, access to quality healthcare, particularly maternal and child health services, remains a significant challenge, especially in underserved communities. This includes not only the availability of basic medical facilities and trained personnel, but also affordability and culturally sensitive care.
We must address the root causes of maternal mortality, such as inadequate prenatal care, complications during childbirth, and postpartum complications. Investing in community health workers, strengthening referral systems, and ensuring access to family planning services are crucial steps. Furthermore, advocating for policies that prioritize women’s health within national health budgets is paramount.
Secondly, financial literacy and access to micro-finance opportunities are crucial for economic empowerment, enabling women to start and grow businesses, manage their finances effectively, and build financial security.Many women lack the knowledge and resources to navigate the financial system, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and hindering their ability to escape poverty.
We need to implement targeted financial literacy programs tailored to the specific needs of women, particularly those in rural areas and marginalized communities. Expanding access to micro-loans, savings groups, and other financial services, coupled with mentorship and business training, can empower women to become successful entrepreneurs and contribute to economic growth.
Achomo (kneeling in white gomesi) has proven track record of working closely with diverse stakeholders within Buyende district, including women’s groups, youth organizations, and local leaders.
Thirdly, we need to address the prevalence of gender-based violence (GBV) in all its forms and ensure that women have access to justice and protection.GBV, including domestic violence, sexual harassment, and harmful traditional practices, is a pervasive human rights violation that undermines women’s health, well-being, and economic prospects.
This requires a multi-faceted approach, including strengthening legal frameworks to criminalize all forms of GBV, providing survivors with access to comprehensive support services (shelter, counseling, legal aid, and healthcare), and challenging societal norms and attitudes that perpetuate violence. Raising awareness about GBV, engaging men and boys as allies in prevention efforts, and ensuring effective law enforcement and judicial responses are essential components of a comprehensive strategy.
Finally, education and skills training are paramount in equipping women with the tools they need to thrive in today’s competitive environment. Investing in girls’ education, from primary school to higher education, is not only a fundamental human right but also a powerful engine for economic development. Furthermore, we need to prioritize skills training programs that are relevant to the demands of the labor market, focusing on areas such as technology, entrepreneurship, and vocational trades.
Land ownership, again especially for women, and access to agricultural resources are also key concerns, particularly for women in rural areas. Secure land tenure is fundamental for women’s economic security and empowerment, enabling them to access credit, invest in their farms, and improve their livelihoods.
She is strong and articulate communicator, capable of effectively conveying information and building consensus among diverse audiences. She can advocate for the needs of the community and secure positive outcomes.
We must advocate for legal reforms that guarantee women’s equal rights to land ownership and inheritance, and implement policies that support women farmers with access to agricultural inputs, technology, and markets. This includes addressing discriminatory customary practices and ensuring that women have a voice in land governance decisions.
How do you plan to address these issues if elected?
My approach will be multi-faceted and collaborative. I will work closely with relevant government ministries, NGOs, and community-based organizations to develop and implement targeted programs. For healthcare, I will advocate for increased funding for local health centers, improved infrastructure, and the training of more healthcare professionals.
To empower women economically, I will champion initiatives that promote financial literacy, provide access to affordable credit, and support women-led businesses. On gender-based violence, I will work to strengthen laws and enforcement mechanisms, raise awareness about the issue, and provide support to survivors. Regarding education, I will advocate for scholarships and bursaries for girls, and vocational training programs that equip women with marketable skills.
The NRM has been in power for a long time. How do you plan to ensure your promises are fulfilled, especially considering the district’s persistent challenges?
As a candidate under the NRM ticket, I recognize the importance of accountability and effective implementation. I will leverage the existing NRM structures and networks to ensure that programs are implemented efficiently and transparently. I will also maintain constant communication with my constituents, providing regular updates on my progress and seeking their feedback.
Achomo is passionate advocate for the people of Buyende because she has witnessed firsthand the struggles the people especially women who face limited access to resources like healthcare
I believe in the power of collaboration and will work with all stakeholders, regardless of their political affiliation, to achieve our shared goals for Buyende. Moreover, I will prioritize monitoring and evaluation to ensure that programs are achieving their intended impact and making a real difference in the lives of women.
What specific skills and experiences do you bring to the table that make you the best candidate for this position?
I am a highly educated and comprehensively trained individual, equipped with the knowledge and skills necessary to make a significant contribution to the development of Buyende district. I hold a Bachelor’s degree in Population Studies in Statistics from Makerere University, providing me with a strong analytical foundation for understanding complex socio-economic issues.
Beyond my formal education, I have actively sought and received various human interest training programs and mentorship opportunities, further honing my understanding of community needs and effective intervention strategies.
Achomo says she possesses the experience, the passion, and the dedication to effectively represent the interests of the people of Buyende and advocate for policies that will truly make a difference in their lives.
My qualifications are complemented by years of hands-on experience in community development and advocacy. I have a proven track record of working closely with diverse stakeholders within Buyende district, including women’s groups, youth organizations, and local leaders. Through these collaborations, I have gained a deep and nuanced understanding of the unique challenges and opportunities that exist within the community, allowing me to tailor solutions that are both effective and sustainable.
I am a strong and articulate communicator, capable of effectively conveying information and building consensus among diverse audiences. My experience has also cultivated strong negotiation skills, enabling me to successfully advocate for the needs of the community and secure positive outcomes. I am a passionate advocate for the voiceless, dedicated to ensuring that all members of the community have an opportunity to thrive.
Furthermore, my commitment to the NRM’s vision of a prosperous and equitable Uganda is unwavering. I believe that my skills and experience align perfectly with the party’s goals, and I am confident that I can contribute meaningfully to their realization.
Achomo wants to be the voice of her people in parliament, championing their needs and ensuring they have the opportunities they deserve.
My experience in project management and resource mobilization will be invaluable in attracting funding from various sources, both domestic and international, and in implementing impactful programs that address the pressing needs of the community and drive sustainable development.
What is your final message to the women of Buyende?
To the people of Buyende, I want to say that I hear you, I see you, and I am here to represent you. I believe in your strength, your resilience, and you’re potential. I promise to be a dedicated and effective advocate for your needs in parliament. Together, we can build a brighter future for Buyende, where every woman has the opportunity to thrive and reach her full potential.
Let us work together to transform our district and create a better life for ourselves and our children. I am ready to serve, and I am confident that together, we can achieve great things. Your vote for Robinah Achomo Kaima is a vote for progress, for empowerment, and for a brighter future for all women in Buyende.
The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) is gearing up for an intense internal battle as Eng. Patrick Oboi Amuriat and Nathan Nandala Mafabi emerge as the official contenders for the party’s coveted 2026 presidential flag bearer slot.
The announcement, recently made by the Party Electoral Commission, has ignited a friendly fire between the two seasoned leaders, each bringing a distinct ideology, dedicated support base, and compelling vision for the future of the FDC.
Amuriat, the FDC’s presidential candidate in the 2021 elections, returns to the political arena championing his signature populist, mobilization-first approach. He is fondly (or perhaps controversially) remembered for his barefoot campaigns and confrontational style, symbolizing a potent brand of resistance politics. His campaign will likely focus on rekindling this image and leveraging his grassroots connection to rally support.
In stark contrast, Mafabi represents a more institutional and reform-driven vision for the party. The long-serving Budadiri West MP and former Leader of the Opposition in Parliament is betting on his established reputation as a firm, no-nonsense strategist. His supporters believe he embodies the discipline and strategic acumen needed to propel the FDC to victory.
The upcoming countrywide campaigns to win over FDC delegates are being viewed by insiders as more than just a leadership contest. It’s a battle for the very soul of the party, a pivotal moment that will determine its future direction.
“This is not just about who becomes flagbearer,” asserted Boniface Toterebuka Bamwenda, chairperson of the FDC Electoral Commission. “It’s about which direction the party takes — whether it remains activist-driven, deeply rooted in resistance, or leans into structured political engagement, prioritizing institutional reform and strategic maneuvering.”
Despite their shared objective of unseating the long-ruling NRM regime, the two camps within the FDC have already begun subtly drawing battle lines. Amuriat’s camp emphasizes his deep connection with the grassroots and his proven commitment to electoral activism, positioning him as the true voice of the common person. Conversely, Mafabi’s supporters champion him as the tactician the party desperately needs – a leader capable of winning both votes and effectively navigating the complex landscape of Ugandan institutions.
In separate statements released following their nomination, both candidates adopted tones of unity and underscored their readiness for the challenge ahead.
“I’m ready to hit the ground running. This is a movement to reclaim our country,” declared Amuriat, energizing his base with his familiar fighting spirit. “But we must remain firm, bold, and grounded in the struggle of the common people.”
Mafabi, meanwhile, strategically emphasized reconciliation and party reform, highlighting the need for internal cohesion. “Our strength lies in organization. We must consolidate, not divide,” he stated. “My candidacy is about discipline, integrity, and strategy.”
The Delegates’ Conference in July will serve as the grand stage where one of these two men will be crowned the FDC’s standard-bearer for the 2026 presidential election.
Until then, all eyes will be intently fixed on the unfolding campaign trail – scrutinizing every move, every speech, and every pledge – as the party grapples with the critical question of whether this internal contest will ultimately strengthen or further fracture the Forum for Democratic Change. The stakes are high, and the future of the FDC hangs in the balance.
Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, the leader of the National Unity Platform (NUP) and a prominent opposition figure in Uganda, has ignited a fierce debate on tribalism with an open letter addressed to influential Banyankore and Kigezi elders. The letter directly challenges these leaders to publicly condemn what Kyagulanyi describes as the “dangerous tribalism” allegedly promoted by Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni.
The letter, addressed to respected figures like Amanya Mushega, Justice Bart Katureebe, and Prof. Mondo Kagonyera, paints a troubling picture of escalating ethnic tensions in Uganda. Kyagulanyi argues that Muhoozi is “weaponizing ethnicity,” dehumanizing citizens, and inciting hatred through provocative social media posts and heavy-handed state actions. His central question to the elders: “Are you comfortable with what is going on? If not, what role can you play before the situation gets out of hand?”
Kyagulanyi’s accusations are not abstract. He cites the recent abduction and torture of his bodyguard, Edward Ssebuufu (Eddie Mutwe), who hails from the Buganda region, as a prime example. He alleges that Muhoozi publicly humiliated Eddie by posting images of his detention online, bragging about his forced shaving, and mocking his identity by “teaching him Runyankore.” This, according to Kyagulanyi, is a deliberate act to pit ethnic groups against one another, particularly targeting Baganda and promoting Banyankore dominance.
The leader of NUP directly accuses Muhoozi of fostering state-sanctioned tribalism, arguing that his rhetoric and actions are intentionally divisive and criminal. He warns that such actions are precursors to chaos, reminding readers of historical atrocities that began with hateful speech and ethnic scapegoating.
Kyagulanyi implores the Banyankore elders to distance themselves from what he calls the “reckless impunity” of Muhoozi and President Museveni. He underscores the moral imperative to speak out, even if the current regime chooses to ignore their voices. “Your silence, at a time like this, is loud,” he poignantly states.
The letter also serves as a platform to reiterate the NUP’s commitment to building a united and peaceful Uganda where ethnicity is not a basis for judgment or targeting. Kyagulanyi extends an invitation for open dialogue and national healing, suggesting a path forward from the current divisions.
Context and Implications:
Kyagulanyi’s bold move comes at a critical juncture in Ugandan politics. The nation grapples with simmering political frustration and deepening ethnic and regional fault lines. The accusations against Muhoozi, who is often seen as a potential successor to his father, are particularly significant.
This open letter could signal a shift in the opposition’s strategy ahead of the 2026 elections. By directly appealing to influential figures within the ruling establishment’s perceived power base, Kyagulanyi may be attempting to:
Isolate Muhoozi: By publicly shaming his actions and highlighting their potentially divisive consequences, Kyagulanyi aims to undermine Muhoozi’s credibility and political ambitions.
Break the Silence: The letter encourages dissent within the Banyankore community, potentially fracturing the seemingly monolithic support base of the ruling party.
Unite the Opposition: By focusing on the issue of tribalism, Kyagulanyi hopes to galvanize support from various ethnic groups who feel marginalized or threatened by the alleged favoritism towards Banyankore.
Internationalize the Issue: The letter is a public statement that could draw international attention to the allegations of state-sponsored tribalism in Uganda.
The response from the Banyankore elders, and indeed the wider Ugandan public, will be crucial in shaping the political landscape in the lead-up to the 2026 elections. Whether Kyagulanyi’s strategy will succeed in fostering unity and challenging the ruling establishment remains to be seen. However, the letter has undoubtedly sparked a vital conversation about tribalism, power, and the future of Uganda. The silence, or the response, of those addressed will speak volumes about the direction the nation is headed.
Bukooli Central MP, Solomon Silwany, has emerged as a frontrunner in the race for the National Resistance Movement (NRM) chairmanship in Bugiri district. His path to this ambition was significantly cleared after he secured the Secretary Publicity NRM Mainstream post in Makoma one village, unopposed, during the recent village-level primaries. This victory came amidst a backdrop of significant disruption and accusations of malpractice that marred the NRM primaries across the district.
According to sources, Silwany’s competitors, Opendi Phillip and Wandera Tifu, withdrew their candidacies upon learning of his interest in the position. A close associate of Silwany stated, “When they learnt about it, they decided to step down for Silwany to continue with his vision for the district.” Now, Silwany has his sights set on replacing the current NRM district chairperson, Mutumba Stephen, a position he believes is crucial for revitalizing the party’s support base in Bugiri.
“He wants to be the district chairperson to reactivate NRM support in the district,” the associate revealed, citing the current chairman’s perceived inactivity and lack of engagement with the community. He further elaborated, “After ten years, the current chairperson has never appeared on any fora, be it a baraza, radio, etc., to mobilise for the party.”
This perceived absence, according to Silwany’s camp, has contributed to a decline in NRM support, evidenced by the President’s lower-than-expected 46% vote share in the previous elections. Silwany aims to address this by “energizing the party structures through holding several meetings in the district routinely.” The current chairman’s record, with only two district delegates conferences held in the last decade (both after the election roadmap announcement), further fuels the call for change.
Kiryia Bakali, the NRM chairperson for Bugiri Western Division, has publicly endorsed Silwany’s ambition. Bakali believes the district chairmanship would provide Silwany with the necessary platform to effectively contribute to all parts of the district.
“He is always called upon to support the community in different parts of the district, but whenever he goes to other constituencies, MPs of those areas report him before the speaker for challenging them and operating beyond his boundaries, hence opting for the NRM district chairperson, a position that will enable him to move to every corner of the district without obstruction,” Bakali explained.
However, Silwany’s ascent comes at a time of significant turmoil within the Bugiri NRM. The recently held village-level primaries were plagued by chaos, violence, and accusations of widespread electoral malpractice forcing the postponement of elections in several villages. According to a report by Bugiri district NRM Election Officer, Dan Ngia, candidates were suspected of transporting voters from rural areas to influence the outcome in urban centers.
The situation deteriorated in Nawampanda Village, where a candidate allegedly tore the voters’ register, leading to police intervention. As a result, elections in the affected areas have been rescheduled for Wednesday, May 7th, 2025.
While Silwany enjoys a smooth start with his unopposed win, he will inevitably face challenges in uniting the fragmented NRM structures in Bugiri, especially in the wake of the disputed primaries. His ability to address the concerns raised regarding election irregularities and galvanize the party will be crucial to his success as district chairperson. The coming months will prove whether he can deliver on his promise to revitalise NRM support in Bugiri.
The National Resistance Movement (NRM) village-level primaries in Bugiri district were thrown into chaos on Tuesday, 6th May 2025, leading to the postponement of elections in several villages due to reports of violence and widespread electoral malpractice. The exercise, intended to verify NRM members and elect LC1 flag-bearers and village NRM structures, was marred by allegations of voter importation and register tampering.
According to a report by Bugiri district NRM Election Officer, Dan Ngia, in some urban centers, candidates were suspected of transporting voters from rural villages to unfairly influence the outcome of the elections. The situation escalated in Nawampanda Village, Itakaibolu Parish, Nankoma Town Council, where Ngia reported that a candidate allegedly tore the voters’ register. The incident was reported to the police by the Village Registrar.
As a result of these irregularities, the elections in the affected villages have been rescheduled for today, Wednesday, May 7th, 2025, at 10:00 am.
Nationwide Exercise Underway
Despite the challenges in Bugiri and other parts of the country, the NRM conducted a nationwide electoral exercise across over 72,000 villages in Uganda. The exercise, led by Dr. Tanga Odoi, Chairperson of the NRM Electoral Commission, aims to strengthen the party’s grassroots structures through a transparent and community-led verification process.
Speaking at a community baraza in Rwakitura, Dr. Odoi emphasized the party’s commitment to ensuring a fair and transparent process. “We are dedicated to ensuring that the voices of our members are heard clearly and that the leadership reflects the will of the community,” he stated.
Across the country, residents have been actively verifying the NRM register and electing village-level leaders, including Chairperson, Vice Chairperson, General Secretary, Treasurer, and Secretary for Publicity. Furthermore, Special Interest Groups such as women, youth, older persons, veterans, and persons with disabilities are also electing their representatives.
Dr. Odoi clarified the age eligibility for participation, stating that youth aged 18 to 35 are eligible to participate in NRM structures, while those vying for national youth leadership roles must be under 30.
The NRM leadership will be closely monitoring the rescheduled elections in Bugiri to ensure a free, fair, and transparent process and to prevent any further incidents of violence or electoral malpractice. The outcome of these primaries will be crucial in shaping the party’s representation at the local level and its overall strength in the region.
St. Peter Apostle Bugaya Catholic Parish in Buyende is embarking on an ambitious project to construct a Shs3 billion complex, signaling a significant commitment to growth and service to its community. The initiative was launched with a resounding call to parishioners to contribute generously and give back to God.
The parish, only two years old, is guided by a clear vision, mission, and strong leadership, according to Parish Priest Rev. Fr. George Tenywa Kisige. Despite starting from scratch, Fr. Kisige expressed confidence in the project’s success, fueled by the goodwill of the Christian community.
“Being the Apostle Church Parish, we are faithfully looking at being a modern-era church, growing the faith, responding to contemporary needs, and being relevant to our flock,” Fr. Kisige stated. “We shall be two years this August, and though ambitious, the complex, which includes the modern church of 2,000 capacity, a monastery, and a convent, by the very providence and will of the people, is on course.”
The planned complex aims to provide a modern and spacious place of worship, as well as facilities for deeper spiritual reflection and service through the monastery and convent.
Beyond the physical infrastructure, the parish is deeply committed to strengthening the family unit. Fr. Kisige emphasized the church’s focus on rebuilding family and parenting institutions, addressing the rising tide of domestic violence, family breakups, and absentee parenting. This will be achieved through mindset change initiatives and community outreach programs.
Fr. Kisige also challenged leaders to prioritize service over rhetoric and to promote unity, peace, and harmony. He urged them to coexist peacefully and respect one another, recognizing that leadership is ultimately bestowed by God. He cautioned against seeking favor from shrines, emphasizing that true leadership comes from a divine source.
The church’s efforts received a significant boost during a recent mini-fundraising event. Budiope East MP and FUFA President Hashim Magogo contributed Shs20 million towards the project. Magogo, though a Muslim, acknowledged the crucial role of the Church in counseling and spiritual development, emphasizing values such as honesty, hard work, and forgiveness. He also presented the priest with a papal gift of four sets of priestly robes, brought from Rome, underscoring his belief in the blessings derived from serving God.
The mini-fundraising efforts have already yielded Shs120 million, with a mega fundraising event planned for next week to be conducted by the esteemed Jinja Catholic Bishop Martin Wamika.
The ambitious Shs3 billion project signifies a bold step for St Peter Apostle Bugaya Catholic Parish. With strong leadership, a committed community, and a focus on both spiritual and social development, the parish is poised to become a significant center of faith and service in Buyende.
Fred Mbazira, an aspiring Member of Parliament for Budiope West in Buyende district, is advocating for a return to traditional cash crops as a key strategy to alleviate poverty within the region.
Speaking to the community of Makanga in Buyende Town Council, Mbazira, who is vying for the MP seat on the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ticket, urged residents to embrace the cultivation of crops like coffee, cotton, and cocoa, along with high-value vegetables like green pepper and fruits like watermelon.
Mbazira drew a stark contrast to the past, reminiscing about Busoga’s historical prominence as a major cotton producer. He highlighted how families previously thrived, utilizing cotton revenue to cover essential expenses such as education, healthcare, and housing construction. He lamented the shift towards lower-value crops like maize, cassava, potatoes, millet, and sorghum, which are now often treated as cash crops.
“These food crops are essential for food security, and every family should cultivate them,” Mbazira acknowledged. “However, for genuine poverty reduction, we must deliberately plant and commercially grow known high-value cash crops.”
He argued that this renewed focus on cash crops is crucial for the overall development of Budiope West. Pointing to the example of Western Uganda, he emphasized the link between agricultural productivity and infrastructure development. “Government can’t make roads in Buyende when the area is producing and putting nothing on the market,” Mbazira stated. “Western Uganda is able to get roads because they produce milk, matooke, Irish potatoes, and benefit from tourism.”
Mbazira’s argument centers on the idea that increased agricultural output of high-value crops will stimulate economic activity, attract investment, and ultimately justify government investment in infrastructure improvements within the region. This, he believes, will create a positive cycle of growth and prosperity for Budiope West.
He concluded his address by appealing to the people of Makanga and Budiope, urging them to support his candidacy during the upcoming NRM primaries. He framed this as the first crucial step towards achieving his vision of representing Budiope West in parliament in 2026 and driving the region’s economic transformation through a focus on cash crop production.
The message resonated with many in the community, who are eager to see a return to the economic prosperity they once enjoyed. The success of his message will be tested during the NRM primaries, where voters will decide if Mbazira’s vision for a cash-crop driven future resonates with their aspirations for Budiope West.
Human beings (Homo sapiens), like elephant, lion, zebra and natural plants,constitute a natural entity on the biocultural landscape. Different indigenous groups of human beings are separated from each other ecologically, environmentally, culturally, socially, ethically and morally. Consequently, different groups of human beings tend to have characteristic belonging and identity within the pertinent bio-cultural landscapes. When this is the case, we talk of groups of human beings as“indigenous” to the various biocultural landscapes. They belong to different indigenous groups. The people are called indigenes. According to Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, the word indigenous means “belonging to a particular place rather than coming to it from somewhere else. Therefore immigrants, however long they have stayed in country, do not qualify to be called indigenes.
Thus, an indigene is a one who is indigenous to a particular place in the biocultural landscape and whose identity has been shaped by the pertinent environment for a long period of time. The indigene practices a defining culture in relation to the land in terms of crops grown, traditional energy system, burial, sacredness, extended family system, ecology, sociality, etc. People from elsewhere will try hard to destroy the culture, particularly the relationship to land, so that they either displace the indigenes, scatter them or dominate them in such a way that they can no longer practice their culture. This is happening among the Bantu and Luo areas, where people who belong to the nomadic-pastoral human energy system are grabbing land and introducing their mobile migratory culture in biocultural landscapes are foreign to them. Those of their kind in power are introducing schemes that are definitely destroying the time-tested biocultural landscapes and ethicomoral characteristics in favour of the sterile money culture.
According to the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, which commenced on 8 October 1995 Third Schedule (Article 10 (a) Uganda’s indigenous communities as at 1st February, 1926, Banyarwanda (Tutsi) who either came to Uganda as labourers or as refugees, are included among the indigenous groups of Uganda.
Table 1 below puts Banyarwanda as Indigenous Group Number 24; Bahehe as indigenous group Number 14; and Nubi (Nubians) as indigenous Group Number 58. Until the emergence the Uganda Constitution 1995, I knew that the Tutsi, Hehe and Nubians in Uganda were refugees in Uganda who settled in the country where the biocultural landscape had indigenous groups that belonged to it with befitting identities. I had worked in Tsavo National Park in southern Tanzania and came to know that the Hehe were the natives that were indigenous to the Iringa region of southern Tanzania.
Therefore, the Tutsi, Hehe and Nubians were artificial politically and constitutionally-created indigenous groups of Uganda and, therefore, alien to the biocultural landscape of the country. They lack long-term historical, ecological, environmental, ethical cultural and moral attachment to land in Uganda.
The Bahima were politically and constitutionally eliminated from the Ankole biocultural landscape and integrated into the Banyankore indigenous group dominated the Bairu, thereby both polluting and distorting it. Before, the Bahima were rulers of the Bairu and the Bairu were slaves of the Bahima.However, when President Tibuhaburwa Museveni captured the instruments of power through the barrel of the gun, the first thing he did was to destroy the pride of the Bahima, which was exacerbated by their continued attachment to the Kingdom of Ankole and its Obugabe, abolished by Apollo Milton Obote in the 1966 and 1967 Constitutions.
While the National Resistance Movement/National Resistance Army (NRM/A) regime of President Tibuhaburwa Museveni constitutionally introduced what it called cultural institutions in the Uganda Constitution 1995, whose making was chaired by President Tibuhaburwa Museveni himself, for Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro and Busoga, he declined to do the same for Ankole. He said he was Ssabagabe, akin to King of Kings. Ultimately, therefore, he obliterated Bahima as a group by integrating it intro what he cast as an indigenous group of human beings called Banyankore, which is a deception. There is no natural group called Banyankore consisting of Bahima and Basiru.
Putting Bahima and Bairu together is disorganisation of the biocultural landscape of Ankole intended to destroy the historical cultural evolution of the Bairu. It could be that the strategy was to revive the historical domination of the Bairu by the Hima. Since the Hima are related to the Tutsi, when it comes to opportunities, the Hima have got them at the expense of the Bairu under the guise that Banyankore are accessing them. Or else, the strategy was to create a grazing corridor with Ankole constituting a large portion of it. Thus, discrimination within the “Banyankore indigenous group” is easily achieved, widening the gap between the Hima and Bairu.
What, therefore, the Uganda Constitution 1995 wanted to do in Ankole was probably to completely dominate the biocultural landscape of the area in everyway as Hima-Tutsi. If the Bairu had successfully combated discrimination in Ankole, they need to re-strategise to combat discrimination designed from the centre rather than the periphery. We need concrete sociological studies of the new scenario in Ankole and to test the theories advanced herein.
What is true is that indigenous groups are natural while constitutionally created indigenous groups are artificial and are destined to be rejected in future by the owners of the biocultural landscapes whose biology, ecology, ethics and morality in relation to the land were shaped over thousands of years. It is dangerous for people who came in from elsewhere to seek to make indigenous people foreigners of their biocultural landscape and destroy their belonging and identities for their own interests, such as owning both the land and its above-ground and belowground resources at the expense of the indigenes. This is creating a disaster waiting to happen. If the indigenes wake up to their new reality, anything can happen. Already many indigenes have realised that they have been reduced to slaves within their country while their children and grandchildren are being sent into modern slavery in the Middle East while government is exploiting them in terms of overtaxation.
in summary, indigenous groups cannot be politically and constitutionally engineered, but can be given political and constitutional recognition and rights. many constitutions worldwide include special provisions for indigenous communities, granting them specific rights and acknowledging their traditional political structures and customary laws. in the case of an indigenous group called Banyarwanda it has no historical, ecological, environmental, cultural, ethical and moral attachment to any place in uganda. it was simply politically and constitutionally engineered and imposed on the biocultural landscape of uganda. this is potentially a source of violence in uganda in future. already land grabbing in uganda is mainly being done by people belonging to the artificial indigenous group. however, it was important to constitutionalise the natural indigenous groups of Uganda (e.g., Katharina Holzinger, et.al., 2018). Banyarwanda might be a minority ethnic group in Uganda but it is not an indigenous group. Calling it an indigenous group is deception with dire consequences. It is important to revise the constitution to include all the natural indigenous groups such as the Benet/Mosopishek, Bakingwe, Bagabo, Maragoli, Haya, Basese, Bagaya and Meru (Minority Rights Group, 2023) rather than indigenise foreign groups.
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Uganda Constitution 1995 “The Indigenous Group of Uganda”. [Third Schedule amended by section 48 of Act 11 of 2005].
