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KOLOBE ANTONY INTERVIEW: The youthful NUP contender for Budiope West promises to be an honest MP of integrity, connected to the people he represents

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Kolobe Antony is setting his sights on representing the people of Budiope West in Buyende district, and he’s doing so with the backing of the National Unity Platform (NUP). In an exclusive interview with Busoga Times, Kolobe shares his motivations, vision, and specific aspirations for the constituency as he embarks on his journey to become the next Member of Parliament. This conversation delves into his platform, his connection with the community, and what he believes he can bring to the table in service of Budiope West.

Who is Anthony Kolobe, the individual who wants to represent the good people of Budiope West in Buyende District in the 12th Parliament of Uganda?

Kolobe Antony, son of Samali Nguna and Peter Naika, hails from Ntaala village in Buyende District, specifically Ntaala parish within Buyanja Sub County and the Budiope West constituency, located in the Busoga region. He is a married father of five and holds a bachelor’s degree in education, working as a trained teacher. Beyond the classroom, he is a director of schools, a farmer, a businessman, and a volunteer with international organizations.

What sparked your desire to serve in this capacity as an MP?

I’m running for Parliament to be a strong voice for Buyende and Busoga, fighting for the improved services our community urgently needs. We’ve suffered from inadequate service delivery and persistent poverty, largely due to ineffective representation. I believe our biggest hurdle is the lack of leaders capable of articulating our issues and advocating for solutions in Parliament.

Just imagine: the day President Yoweri Museveni visited Bukungu, all the leaders did not table any problem affecting the district to him apart from praising him. Our MPs cannot stand firm and present our problems on the floor of parliament. As an elite and intelligent young man, I decided to contest. I am hopeful that I can change the rhythm.

Our leaders do not demand any share of the national cake. Just imagine in the budget of 2025/2026, Budiope West and Buyende at large are not mentioned anywhere. We have the poorest roads, like the Bukungu-Kamuli road, which is in poor condition. The promise to tarmac it has been on for long, but nothing is done.

Our leaders are so comfortable. We lack health centres. The greater Kidera has only two health units; that is, Kidera Health 4 and Bukungu. Buyanja sub-county lacks even a health centre. We lack seed schools. The greater Kidera has only one secondary school – Kidera SS. We are entitled to a seed school in each sub-county. All the feeder roads are impassable. All this sparked me to contest as a member of parliament.

How do your values and vision align with the National Unity Platform (NUP) ideology?

The National Unity Platform advocates for good service delivery, which I do. It advocates for peace and security, which I do. It advocates for the freedom of every Ugandan, which I do. It advocates for democracy, which I do. It advocates for transparency and accountability, which I do. It advocates for development, which I extremely do. I advocate for a corruption-free country, which my party does. It advocates for human rights, which it does. It advocates for employment opportunities, which all youth do. So my vision complies with the party’s ideologies.

How would you handle a situation where the interests of your party conflict with the interests of your constituents?

The interests of the National Unity Platform are highly embraced by my constituents. As we all know, my constituency is the most affected and least privileged. My constituency has achieved very little from this government for the last 39 years this government has been in power.

For the last 39 years, the Bukungu-Kamuli road has never been considered. For the last 39 years, our people have not been able to access the lake to fish. For the last 39 years, people have not even been allowed to catch mukene. In fact, people look at the lake as an in-law. Our sub-counties lack headquarters; some, like Kidera sub-county, lack where to put headquarters. Most sub-counties, like Buyanja, Kidera and Bukungu Town Council, lack seed schools.

Can you describe your previous experience in leadership and community service and how this experience has prepared you for the role of MP?

My leadership experience spans various levels, including successfully directing and managing schools, as I previously mentioned. Furthermore, I serve as a national coordinator for an international organization, a role I consider to be a significant leadership position. I believe this cumulative experience has sufficiently prepared and empowered me to effectively serve my community.

What do you perceive as the biggest challenges facing Budiope West?

Our community faces significant challenges, primarily stemming from inadequate public services and widespread unemployment. We struggle with poor infrastructure, including dilapidated roads, under-equipped and understaffed health centres with limited access to medicine, and schools lacking basic resources. Historically, fishing provided livelihoods for many, including those with only a primary school education.

However, government restrictions, specifically the military presence around our lakes, have decimated the fishing industry and left many without employment. This displacement, without adequate planning or alternative opportunities provided by the government, has severely impacted our community. These are the core issues hindering our progress.

What promises have been made to the people of Budiope West by previous leaders that have not been fulfilled? How would you address these unmet needs?

A lot of promises have been made, and they are being made even up to now. They promised to build hospitals, schools, health centres, piped water, electricity, good roads, prosperity and unity. But all these have not been achieved for the last 39 years. You can see a politician who cannot even run a nursery school promising to build schools, a person who is unemployed promising jobs, and a person who cannot start a clinic promising to build hospitals. I want to change this narrative.

What are your proposals for supporting farmers in Budiope West, improving agricultural productivity, and ensuring food security?

Our farmers need serious sensitization on how to do farming using modern farming methods. This can be achieved by starting farmers’ associations and cooperatives. The cooperatives can bring farmers together and share ideas on how to use modern farming methods.

The cooperatives can provide seeds and loans to its member farmers. Co-operatives can buy the harvests at a very good price. The leaders of the cooperatives can look for better markets for the harvests and organise workshops and seminars for the farmers.

In due course, the farmers shall develop skills and hence improve on the harvest and food security. Through cooperatives, farmers can also do cash crop growing like coffee and cotton.

If elected, what specific bills or motions would you prioritize in Parliament to benefit Budiope West?

As a Member of Parliament, the first bill I would propose aims to reinstate presidential term limits. The extended period of rule has fostered corruption within the leadership. Uganda’s fundamental challenge lies in the concept of a lifetime presidency. By implementing presidential term limits and facilitating a change in leadership, Uganda, including Budiope West, could benefit from new leadership and a more prosperous future.

How will you ensure transparency and accountability in your work as an MP?

As a key part of my parliamentary oversight duties, I commit to actively engaging with local government. This includes regular attendance at council meetings and careful scrutiny of their budgets to ensure government funding is used effectively and appropriately within our constituency. I will also be closely monitoring the civil service recruitment process at the district level to prevent corruption within the district service commission and protect our constituents from bribery.

Furthermore, I will resolutely oppose corruption within Parliament itself, specifically the practice of offering financial inducements to influence legislative decisions. Just as I have resisted attempts to bribe me from running for office, I will remain steadfast in my commitment to integrity and transparency in all my parliamentary actions.

What is your commitment to serving the people of Budiope West if elected?

I pledge to serve my constituents diligently and impartially, representing their interests in Parliament with honesty and integrity. I am committed to closely monitoring government programmes and remaining connected to the community to ensure their needs are heard and addressed effectively.

Kyabazinga graduates with master’s degree from Yale University in the US

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The Kyabazinga of Busoga, His Majesty William Gabula Nadiope IV, is celebrating a significant milestone today, graduating from Yale University with a Master of Advanced Studies in Global Affairs. This achievement marks another impressive academic accomplishment for the King, who is known for his commitment to education and development within his kingdom and beyond.

The Kyabazinga, a revered figure in Busoga Kingdom and Uganda at large, completed the rigorous program at Yale’s Jackson School of Global Affairs, focusing on critical issues facing the world today. His studies are expected to further enhance his ability to address challenges and opportunities within the Busoga region and on a global scale.

This latest degree follows the Kyabazinga’s earlier academic success: an MBA from Coventry University in the United Kingdom. He has consistently demonstrated a passion for knowledge and its application to practical solutions.

“This is a momentous occasion for the Kingdom of Busoga,” said Bairukireki Yafesi, the chairperson Busoga Kingdom Youth Council, adding, “His Majesty’s dedication to his studies reflects his unwavering commitment to empowering our people and fostering sustainable development. We are incredibly proud of his accomplishment.”

The Kyabazinga is expected to return to Uganda soon, where his newly acquired knowledge and expertise will be instrumental in driving initiatives focused on economic growth, education, healthcare, and social progress within Busoga. His dedication to academic excellence serves as an inspiration to the youth of Busoga and exemplifies his leadership in the region.

The graduation ceremony was attended by dignitaries from various countries, faculty members from Yale, and members of the Kyabazinga’s delegation. The event served as a celebration of academic achievement and a testament to the Kyabazinga’s dedication to global engagement.

UBOS HOUSEHOLD SURVEY: Busoga continues to grapple with high poverty despite national progress

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The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) recently unveiled the comprehensive findings of the Uganda National Household Survey (UNHS) 2023/24, offering a detailed snapshot of the nation’s socio-economic landscape.

Launched on May 15th, 2025, at a national event in Kampala, the survey, the eighth in its series, paints a picture of both progress and persistent challenges, particularly concerning regional disparities in poverty.

While the national poverty rate demonstrates positive trends, the report highlights the Busoga sub-region in Eastern Uganda as an area of significant concern.

Busoga: A Poverty Hotspot

The UNHS 2023/24 reveals that Busoga bears a substantial burden of poverty, ranking as the second-highest contributor to Uganda’s total poor population.

An estimated 840,700 people in the region live below the absolute poverty line, representing 18.9% of Busoga’s population and accounting for 12.0% of the nation’s total poverty share.

While this represents a slight improvement compared to previous surveys, Busoga’s poverty rate lags significantly behind regions like Buganda (7.5%) and Ankole (3.2%).

Only Karamoja, with a staggering poverty rate of 74.2%, faces a direr situation. In Karamoja, approximately 937,500 people are living in poverty, a number nearly five times the national average and a worrying increase from 65% in the previous survey.

A Regional Comparative Glance

The UNHS 2023/24 provides a detailed regional breakdown of poverty rates, highlighting areas requiring focused intervention:

  • Bukedi: 29.9% poverty rate (718,400 poor persons)
  • Teso: 29.8%
  • West Nile: 21.2%
  • Acholi: 20.5%
  • Lango: 18.8%

In stark contrast, Kampala stands out as the region with the lowest poverty rate, with only 1.1% of its population living below the poverty line. It is followed by Ankole (3.2%) and Buganda South (6.0%).

Understanding the Poverty Gap in Busoga

The survey not only highlights the prevalence of poverty in Busoga but also its depth. The poverty gap, an indicator of the resources needed to lift the poor above the poverty line, stands at 4.3% in Busoga, exceeding the national average of 4.2%. This suggests that poverty in Busoga is not just widespread, but also deeply entrenched.

Speaking at the launch, UBOS Executive Director Dr. Chris Mukiza stressed the urgent need for targeted interventions in regions like Busoga.

While government programs like the Parish Development Model (PDM) and Emyooga are designed to boost household incomes, implementation delays and reported mismanagement have hampered progress.

Child Poverty in Busoga

The UNHS 2023/24 reveals a concerning trend of child poverty in Busoga. With 21.5% of children in the region living in poverty, Busoga faces one of the highest child poverty rates in the country, surpassed only by Karamoja and Bukedi. This alarming statistic underscores the need for specific interventions to protect and support vulnerable children in the region.

Progress Amidst Disparities

Nationally, Uganda’s poverty rate has shown a positive decline, standing at 16.1% in 2023/24, a drop from 20.3% in 2019/20 and 21.4% in 2016/17. This indicates a steady improvement in overall poverty reduction, despite the persistent regional disparities.

The report also indicates a decrease in income inequality, with the national Gini coefficient dropping from 0.413 in 2019/20 to 0.382 in 2023/24, suggesting a better income distribution nationwide. Interestingly, Busoga also experienced an improvement in its Gini coefficient, decreasing from 0.353 to 0.328, signifying a narrowing income gap within the region.

Targeted Interventions are Key

During the launch, State Minister for Planning, Amos Lugoloobi, emphasized the need to focus efforts on regions with alarmingly high poverty rates, acknowledging that while national poverty reduction is a positive indicator of effective anti-poverty programs, much work remains to be done.

The UNHS 2023/24 provides invaluable data to guide policymakers, development partners, and civil society organizations in designing targeted programs that address the specific needs of vulnerable communities, particularly in regions like Busoga.

With agriculture remaining the primary source of employment in rural areas and significant disparities in access to education and healthcare, the report highlights the crucial need for sustained investment in these critical sectors to ensure equitable and inclusive growth for all Ugandans.

A Call for Inclusive Growth

The findings of the UNHS 2023/24 underscore the critical need for targeted poverty reduction strategies, especially in regions like Busoga, which continue to struggle with significant poverty burdens.

As Uganda strives to achieve its national development goals, addressing these disparities will be paramount for achieving inclusive growth and equitable socio-economic transformation across the nation.

QUEENS OF FOOTBALL: Kampala Queens seal third league title to become first team to win new trophy

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By Musa Kikuuno | Busoga Times

Kampala Queens have etched their name in Ugandan football history once again, becoming the first team to lift the newly introduced FUFA Women Super League trophy and sealing their third league title with two games to spare, despite a 2-1 loss to Kawempe Muslim on Saturday, May 17th, at MTN Omondi Stadium.

With 46 points at the top of the table and a superior head-to-head record over second-placed Kawempe Muslim (40 points), Kampala Queens are mathematically uncatchable, confirming their championship status for the 2024–2025 season.

The defeat marks the first loss for Ethiopian coach Asefa Firew Hailegebreal, who took charge of the Queens in November, but it does little to dim the club’s historic achievement.

A New Trophy for a New Era

The new league trophy, which symbolizes the evolving face of women’s football in Uganda, is a 455mm gold-coated masterpiece. Featuring a figurine of a woman in an athletic pose, it embodies strength, elegance, determination, and excellence — qualities reflected by Kampala Queens throughout their campaign.

The FUFA Women Super League replaced the Elite Women Football League, which ran from 2014 to 2019 and was structured around regional play-offs. Past champions included:

2014–15: Kawempe Muslim

2015–16: Kawempe Muslim

2016–17: Kawempe Muslim

2017–18: Kawempe Muslim

2018–19: UCU Lady Cardinals

Kampala Queens have now lifted the league title in 2022, 2023, and 2025, adding to their growing legacy.

Road Ahead

With fixtures still remaining against Tooro Queens (away) and She Maroons FC (home), Kampala Queens have a chance to end the season on an even higher note, possibly extending their lead further.

As defending champions Kawempe Muslim settle for second place this season, Kampala Queens have clearly cemented their status as the reigning giants of women’s football in Uganda — The Queens of Soccer, indeed.

WASTEFULNESS: The use and misuse of classified budget in Uganda

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By Oweyegha-Afunaduula

A “classified budget” refers to a portion of a government or organization’s budget that is kept confidential, often for security or national interest reasons. It’s a way of designating specific expenditures that are not subject to public scrutiny or oversight.

Not all countries of the world have classified budgets. However, many do use budget classifications to organize and track government spending. While some countries may have a more detailed system, like the United States with its various budget classifications, others may use simpler approaches, according to GSDRC. t’s difficult to definitively name specific countries that have no classified spending. However, some countries are more transparent about their budgets than others, and certain types of spending are often not publicly disclosed in any country.

While the Kenyan national budget isn’t officially classified in the way a government secret might be, there are areas where information is not readily public, and it can be challenging to get a complete, detailed breakdown of spending. This isn’t due to a lack of a functional classification system, but rather a need for more transparency and more specific, detailed information.On the other hand, Tanzania has a classified budget. However, while the general budget framework is public, certain aspects may be kept confidential for security or other reasons. 

Apparently, the Uganda Government is transparent about how much money goes to the Classified budget but is not so transparent about how it is spent, which makes it a very secretive budget. It is the President of Uganda who seems to be its manager and who uses it as he pleases.

As Khisa (2025) put it, no other individual in Uganda presides over a bigger cache of cash, literally, than the President. This could be because the President of Uganda has never completely given up the post of Minister of Finance although Kasaija manifests as the Minister of Finance.

All the classified budget of Government goes to the Chief occupant of State House, who happens to be President Tibuhaburwa Museveni. He has accumulated a huge staff force, to serve mainly his political interests and which he pays hugely.

Therefore, Classified Budget is where financial indiscipline is exhibited most in all budget classifications of the Uganda National Budget. Even supplementary budgets routinely allocate money to the Classified Budget.

As early as 2020 Mubangizi (2020) recorded the steep rise in classified budgets in Uganda. In Financial Year 2016/17, total classified expenditure accounted for only UGX 441 billion but has now risen to UGX 2.5 trillion representing an extraordinary increment of 488% over a period of 4 years. However, according to Hon Ssemujju-Nganda, the Parliament of Uganda allocated to the Classified budget a total of 16 trillion Shillings from 2021 to the Present.

Corruption and wanton siphoning of government funds that would have been channeled to providing social services and widening social safety nets that can in turn propel economic growth and development, now characterise money flow in Uganda with the President as the fulcrum.

Indeed, supplementary budgets have become nothing but avenues for siphoning of money and wanton corruption. This is the reason education, health and the transport system are decaying, and provision of electricity to the majority of Ugandans and numerous economic entities has become a nightmare as government, particularly President Tibuhaburwa Museveni, preaches the religion of patriotism. Meanwhile government is strategising to tax even the sellers of vegetables in the rurl areas, to get money that mat more likely end up as supplementary budgets, wth the classified budget managed by the President getting the lion’s share.

When Covid-19 pandemic struck the world, government’s response became an early cash bonanza. The President tightly controlled the flow of cash bonanzas in form of supplementary budgets. The Ugandan government’s Covid-19 budget of March 2020 is presented here to demonstrate the problem.

The Covid-19 pandemic has resulted in government expenditure far exceeding budgeted sums. In Uganda, supplementary budgets have become larger and more frequent. The additional funds cannot always be justified, with multiple agencies seeking a share and evidence of doubling up across sectors. The supplementary budgets may also evidence the improper allocation and apparent misuse of public resources. In Uganda, security seems to have been prioritised over health, for example. The Ugandan government’s Covid-19 budget of March 2020 is presented here to demonstrate the problem

Article 156 of the Uganda Constitution 1995 and Section 25 of the Public Finance Management Act allow supplementary budget estimates to be put before Parliament. Here it is determined whether or not a need has arisen for expenditure not previously budgeted for or for expenditure that exceeds the budgeted sums. Supplementary expenditure must be ‘unabsorbable, unavoidable, and unforeseeable.”

In March 2020 alone, the Government of Uganda presented four supplementary budgets before Parliament. Their frequency and size have not gone unnoticed. Members of Parliament (MPs) have noted that the situation undermines the planning and budgeting process. There have also been allegations that sectors seeking supplementary budgets, do so to avoid the extensive scrutiny that the annual budget receives.

On 31 March 2020, the government sought a further 284 billion Ugandan shillings (UGX) to cater for the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic. This was broken down as detailed in Table 1. It is not surprising that security sought almost as much as Health (Table 1). Security falls under Classified Budget, while health, like education and agriculture which are social areas, do not and are not valued as greatly by the President of Uganda, whose development philosophy is that social development should come last after infrastructural development.

Table 1 (Source:CMI U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, 2020).

Uganda’s supplementary budget has been on a steady increase over the years, peaking from 4 per cent of the approved budget in the 2008/09 financial year, to 7.2 per cent in 2009/10 before reaching 27.7 per cent in 2010/11 (Daily Monitor, 2012).

Daily Monitor of 15 October 2012 cites Godber Tumushabe, a policy analyst and Executive Director, Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (ACODE) saying that supplementary budgets are meant to cater for emergencies, but the tendency has been that they have been exceeding what is allowed by law, indicating that Uganda’s budget discipline has broken down. He is supported by Turyafuna (2025) by law supplementary budgets should be used sparingly for emergencies like natural disasters, urgent national security matters or unexpected economic shocks. However, they have become tools of indiscipline.

Besides, while making the National Budget, MPs may solicit fro bribes to approve different institutional budgets.  For example, it was alleged that on May 13, 2024, at Hotel Africana in Kampala, three MPs (Mutembuli, Akamba and Namujju) solicited an undue advantage of 20% of the anticipated budget increment for the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) from Ms. Mariam Wangadya, the commission’s chairperson (The Black Examiner, 2024).

In March 2025 the Parliament of Uganda passed a UGX 4.255 trillion supplementary budget. Earlier in January, 2025 Parliament approved UGX1.050 trillion supplementary budget a huge part of which was classified budget.  However, Turyafuna (2025) wondered why the supplementary budgets were not factored in the National budget. He submitted that these budgetary practices undermine parliamentary oversight, transparency and prudent financial planning, and conceal corruption while saddling taxpayers with unsustainable debt.

Turyafuna (2025) also submitted, in what is highly protected article in Parliament Watch, that classified expenditure has become a conduit for unaccountable spending. He noted that State House Classified budget has supersonically risen to astronomical levels and presents a gaping accountability vacuum. He decried the choice of government to expand classified expenditure instead of allocating adequate funding to social development and services.Indeed, the quality of education, health and agriculture is plummeting because inadequate funding as Classified expenditure takes too much money in form of supplementary budgets and classified budget.

It is clear that in the minds of our governors it is their interests that come first, not those of Ugandans. The interests may include political and business interests.

This article,as its title shows, has been written to show the use and misuse of the classified budget of Uganda amounting to gross abuse of which both Parliament and the Executive are jointly are liable.They have both abandoned serving the public interest and the chorus of patriotism is nothing but concealment of the truth of wastage of public funds. The article follows closely President Tibuhaburwa Museveni’s action to gift Members of Parliament with 100m shillings cash bonanza (Busein Samilu, 2025).

The President defendedhis action as “patriotic purpose”, adding that the money was used to promote activities that help to defeat enemy schemes in Uganda.However, many Ugandans perceived it as political bribery of Members of Parliament. The President said the money was channeled through classified funding and added that such money is a strategic tool for national security and unity (Odongo, 2025). However, the cash bonanza, like in the past, has instead made the political security of the Members of Parliament insecure asit disconnected them from the struggling Ugandans.

Voters are now arguing that instead of the Members of Parliament serving the public interest they are accepting money inducements to serve the interests of the President. One school of thought has reasoned that the President wanted to spoil the Members of Parliament  in the public space so that the majority are not voted back in Parliament; that he wanted new ones he can manipulate using money towards achieving his political ends in Uganda.

The President payout has also revived the enduring questions about classified expenditure, patronage and accountability in Parliament (Odongo, 2025) as well as political bribery by the President. In 2021 each of the current Members of Parliament received Shs 200m in what was officially labelled as a car grant. This was not unlike the vehicle’sgovernment buys for the religious as soon as they assume leadership of their religions. One school of thought has argued that most religious leaders are silent about the problems, issues, oppression and injustices reigned on the people because of the vehicles donated to them by the President.

The majority of the Members of Parliament were new in 2021 as almost 90% of the previous Parliament were voted out during the January 2021 Parliamentary elections for having removed the Presidential term limits or Presidential age limits, thereby allowing the President to rule like President -for-life. However, the presidential money bonanza to Members of Parliament tends to lower the esteem of Parliament in the face of the Executive and the Public while enhancing Executive influence over it. I have seized the opportunity to review, analyse and critique the whole subject of supplementary budgets from which the classified budget has benefited hugely over the years at the expense of social development.

In conclusion, there is need for the Uganda government to reduce budget indiscipline by incorporating the practice of supplementary budgeting into the national budget since it is benefiting the President far more than it is benefitting Ugandans and burdening the taxpayers through financial wastage and financial haemorrhage.

There is also need to recover the independence of the Parliament of Uganda from the President of Uganda, probably by de-caucusing it since caucusing is causing more harm than good as the President uses the NRM Caucus to get all the supplementary budget to swell the classified budget to achieve his political and economic ends at the expense of Ugandans; and to rethink the value of Classified Budget.

Currently, and over time, the Classified budget has been abused by the President of Uganda in pursuit of his personalist political and economic interests of power and domination of the political space of Uganda. I will not be far-fetched to state that both the Executive and the Parliament of Uganda are partners in the de-democratisation of Uganda with reference to the joint way they behave towards public funds. They have de-democratised and militarised budgeting at the expense of Uganda and Ugandans, thereby erasing meaningful and effective social development for all.

For God and My Country.

Oweyegha-Afunaduula is a member of Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis

STATE OF NATURE: Essential skills needed sustain jeopardised future of Uganda’s environment

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By Oweyegha-Afunaduula

When we talk about environmental future of a country, we are trying to envision the state of nature and our human relationship with it in the future. We are interested in our human relationships with nature in all the dimensions of the environment: ecological-biological, sociocultural, socioeconomic and temporal.

However, since President Tibuhaburwa Museveni declared his philosophy of development emphasising infrastructure development at the expense of environmental development and nature, and extricating Ugandans from the environment and nature, environmental decay and collapse are rising supersonically, best seen in country-wide environmental poverty, climate change, food shortages and a snake-like hunger wave.

Interestingly, Omagor Markson(2022), citing Mafabi’s article“Government is ready for environmental restoration”, emphasising that the government will share strategies for the restoration of the environment and natural resources”. Mafabi was referring to President Tibuhaburwa Museveni’s statement that the dependence on rainfall and the degraded ecosystem poses jeopardy to Uganda’s economy in the face of climate challenges.

According to Mafabi, the President said “Government will come up with a plan to fully restore our environment here. Once we are done, you will see the environment (Mafabi, 2022). The President made the announcement during the closing ceremony of the National Scouts Camp that started on August 12th at the scouts’ home in Kaazi, Wakiso District. However, todate the President has not shown that he is ready to recant his development philosophy, which is responsible for most of the recent environmental degradation in Uganda.

Museveni in Environmental Decay and Collapse

Apparently, the President himself, by virtue of his decisions and actions, is at the centre of environmental decay and collapse. He has allowed people belonging to the nomadic pastoral energy system (the nomads of Rwandese extraction) to grab land everywhere in Uganda, destroying our time-tested agroecological systems, on which our food security has depended for centuries.

He has allowed soldiers to illegally log tress in our natural forests, including the only rain forest we have – Mabira Rain Forest. It was him personally who engineered the destruction of Mabira Rain Forest by giving 7100 hectares of Mabira ecotone land to Mehta’s Sugar factory. It was his who decreed that sugarcane be grown in the Bugoma Forest Corridor in Bunyoro, thereby destroying the migratory routes of wildlife.

It was him who decreed that 10,000 ha of natural forest be felled on Bugala Island in Kalangala District in favour of the false tree (oil palm) to produce palm oil at a time when the world is yearning for a fat-free diet. It was him who decreed that Bujagali Falls on River Nile be orated in favour of hydropower, reasoning thaw if the Uganda’s did not have money to buy the electricity he would sell it to neighbouring countries.

It was him who oversaw the springing up of numerous plastics factories in Uganda. Last but not least, it was him who decreed that industrial parks are established in swampy areas, thereby triggering the phenomenon of manmade floods for which there is no solution currently.

Therefore, it is difficult these days to explain environmental decay and collapse without evoking President Tibuhaburwa Museveni. His policies, which he initiates himself and then retrospectively legitimises as government policies by giving them legal force, are likely to be remembered as the real force behind environmental decay and collapse in Uganda towards and in the 21st century.

Wastage of Environmental Professionalism  

In my retirement, I frequently reflect on why I became the third professional conservation biologist in Uganda, and why I spent years training conservationists and environmentalists at Makerere University, Uganda. Because of the presidentialism of President Tibuhaburwa Museveni, whereby he is in everything small and big, these are unable to apply their professionalism to the conservation and management of Uganda’s environment. They only do the bidding of the President.

Nevertheless, the university education system continues to academicise the environment and environmental conservation and management just to produce papered graduates. As if this is not bad enough, President Tibuhaburwa Museveni controls the National Budget making, in such a way that military security, State House take far more money than health, social development, environment, environmental health, environmental security and environmental development.

Yet, everything else fails if the environmental foundations are weak or jeopardised. The political perception of environment as just something for exploitation to satisfy human greed and needs must change if we are to make any headway in the 21st century and beyond.

Uganda has lost 41.6% of its forest cover in the last 100 years (1921-2021). In 1900, Uganda’s forest cover stood at 54% and by 2017, it stood at a miserable 12.4%. There is consistent pressure on land for cultivation and settlement and increasing demand for wood fuel. While efforts have been made to restore the forest cover, the population has not been adequately involved in this restoration process.

It is against this background that we address climate change and deforestation as global problems that require a global response. 94% of Ugandans rely on unsustainably sourced fuel wood, with gas being prohibitively expensive, the vast majority of Ugandans rely on charcoal or firewood that has been harvested from national forests or the private lands of impoverished farmers. There has been a 180% charcoal price increase in the past six years (Tukwatanite, 2023). 

Academicisation of the Environment  

When one academicises something, one makes it unreal. Therefore, when one academicizes the environment one turns it into an academic concern, which does not necessarily benefit the environment in terms of effective conservation and management. In fact, it introduces academic elitism in what was a social and cultural enterprise. Elitism is a vice not, a virtue or value. This can explain why many men and women with academic knowledge have failed to conserve and manage the environment effectively when they have been assigned the responsibility to do so. They are not men and women of reality but unreality, yet the environment is real (Oweyegha-Afunaduula, 2023).

Unreal environments, resulting from the academicisation of thinking and action (conserving and managing), end up being artificial environments, not greatly different from urban environments or plantations whose problems and solutions continue to be academicised. As such they are outward-looking, with wandering minds that are more comfortable externally than internally. They need mind liberation”. I may add that so disoriented, they are unlikely to be curious enough about nature to conserve and manage it for posterity as our ancestors did. They are likely to work in the interests of environmentally destructive forces (Oweyegha-Afunaduula, 2023).

Extractives -A Threat to Uganda’s Environmental Future

There is nothing which is destroying the environment of Uganda and poses to be the most environment-jeopardising factor well in the future as the extractives sector. The foundation in Uganda’s extractive sector is Karamoja and Busoga, which are also reputed to be the poorest regions in Uganda – financially -but are very rich mineral-wise, Unfortunately, their minerals are being clandestinely mined by people of extraneous origin (Chinese, Indians, Rwandese or former refugees connected to power) and exported without any beneft to the two regions.

Uganda’s extractives sector is rapidly transforming from small-scale and artisanal mining to large-scale industry in rural areas of the country. Extractives include oil, gas, and the accelerated licensing of mining operations as vast deposits of gold, uranium, copper, and rare earth minerals have been discovered, particularly in Busoga.

Such operations are accompanied by mega ‘infrastructure’ investments – roads, pipelines, power lines, and dam projects – which serve the industry and displace local communities, but not so in Karamoja and Busoga. Women bear the brunt of this. Extractivism is defined as the large-scale extraction of raw materials such as oil, minerals, or industrial agricultural and monocultural products intended not for local consumption but for export, which entails many countries’ integration into and dependency upon the capitalist world market (NAWAD, 2021).

Land Grabbing – A Threat to Uganda’s Environmental Future

In Uganda, the land rush has displaced communities to make space for intensive monocrops, oil exploration, and infrastructure projects. Government purchases land, often providing landowners with no choice and limited compensation, and then leases it to investors, including foreign companies. The economic ideology espoused by governments throughout Africa and beyond is that increased foreign direct investment will create a more developed and prosperous economy with jobs, wealth, improved social services for all, and better living conditions (NAWAD, 2021).

Due to land grabbing, native forests and local biodiversity are being lost, people are being evicted from their homes and forced to give up their lands, along with all the other problems linked to the large-scale use of pesticides and chemical fertilizers. Some individual cases are reported in the booklet ‘Let’s expose Land Grabbing’ published by Slow Food and available for free download on the Slow Food Foundation for Biodiversity website. Slow Food projects in Uganda aim to empower local small-scale food producers and aid them in their fight against land grabbing (farmlandgrabbing.org, 2017).

I have already mentioned elsewhere in this article that land grabbing is erasing our time-tested food security-imparting agroecological systems Mourice Muhoozi (2023) wrote that agroecology can help to restore Uganda’s lost green cover. However, what is going on in the country in the area of land grabbing, sometimes as if government allows it, and mostly by government agents, does not give much hope for agroecology. Therefore, the erosion of our 7 or 8 agroecological systems is likely to worsen with the passage of time.

In one short sentence Uganda’s environmental future is jeopardised.

What Is the Way Forward?

The environmental future of Uganda is and should be squarely in the hands of the youth. Our country’s population is more than 80% youthful. Unfortunately, thousands of our youth are being ferried out to the Middle East to work as external slaves. Environmentally speaking they re being taken out of their environment to a foreign environment where they are no more than environmental pollutants. When they come back, they will find a completely different environment where they will also be environmental pollutants.

This is environmental sabotage because Uganda needs its youth to ensure that Uganda has a secure environmental future of which they are a part and can work in to create a secure, productive country. The Basoga of Ugnda say “Emiti Emito N’ekibira” (Young trees make the forest). If we are to ensure a sustainable future for Uganda and its people, we must depend on our youth to who the future belongs. There is, therefore, need to focus on the youth when building a sustainable environmental future. Mahdi Kolahi (2023) has given 10 essential skills that the youth should be equipped with and which they must master in building sustainable futures. These are:

1          Environmental literacy is the understanding of the natural world, ecosystems, environmental issues, and human-environment interconnections. It enables individuals to analyze, evaluate, and take responsible actions to protect and sustain the environment, contributing to a more sustainable and environmentally conscious society.

2          Critical thinking and problem-solving skills involve analyzing information, evaluating evidence, and making reasoned decisions. It includes logical reasoning, objective evaluation, and the ability to identify and solve complex problems. These skills are essential for navigating the complexities of the modern world and addressing issues effectively.

3          Collaboration and communication skills involve effectively sharing ideas and information in teams. Collaboration requires pooling resources, active listening, empathy, and constructive contribution. Effective communication involves conveying ideas clearly, actively listening, and fostering open dialogue. These skills are crucial for achieving shared objectives in diverse and dynamic environments.

4          Leadership and advocacy skills empower individuals to drive positive change and influence others toward a common vision or cause. Effective leadership and advocacy require strong communication, strategic thinking, empathy, and the ability to navigate complex systems. These skills play a crucial role in promoting sustainability, addressing environmental challenges, and creating a more just and equitable world.

5          Innovation and creativity drive progress and spur new ideas and solutions. Both are crucial in finding sustainable solutions to complex environmental issues and fostering a more resilient and inclusive future.

6          Cultural competence and inclusivity involve understanding, respecting, and effectively engaging with diverse cultures and communities. Embracing these skills fosters cross-cultural understanding, collaboration, and social equity, leading to more sustainable and harmonious interactions between human societies and the environment.

7          Resilience and adaptability are crucial qualities for individuals and communities to thrive in a rapidly changing world. Cultivating these qualities helps individuals and communities respond to changing environmental conditions, promote sustainable practices, and build a more resilient future.

8          Systems thinking involves understanding the interconnectedness of different parts of a complex system and is crucial for addressing complex problems. Developing systems thinking skills involves analyzing complex systems and identifying feedback loops, enabling young people to contribute to a more sustainable and just future.

9          Data analysis involves examining and interpreting data to gain insights and make informed decisions. Data analysis skills are essential for making evidence-based decisions in various fields. Developing these skills helps young people make informed decisions and contribute to a more data-driven and evidence-based world.

10        Being action-oriented involves taking initiative and being proactive in addressing challenges and opportunities. This skill is crucial for personal and professional success and contributes to a more sustainable and just future. Developing these skills helps young people become effective problem solvers and agents of change.

For God and My Country

Oweyegha-Afunaduula is a member of Center for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis

BUDIOPE EAST: Dhamuzungu vows to petition NRM electoral commission following chaotic grassroots voting exercise in Ngandho Sub County; threatens to quit NRM over bias

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By Ali Lukomo

Former Budiope East MP Geoffrey Dhamuzungu has issued a strong warning to Speaker of Parliament Anita Annet Among, accusing her of interfering in the political affairs of Budiope East, Buyende district, to benefit her husband, current area MP Eng. Moses Magogo.

Dhamuzungu, who lost the seat to Magogo in the 2021 elections, is gearing up for a rematch and alleges that Among is using her influence to unfairly tip the scales in her husband’s favor.

Dhamuzungu’s accusations come shortly after he resigned from his position as Senior Programs Officer in the Department of Corporate Planning and Strategy at the Parliament of Uganda. He maintains that his resignation was his own decision, stating that the Speaker cannot dictate his career path, which now includes a renewed bid for his former parliamentary seat.

“We will not allow a foreigner to come and disrespect us and to take away our powers to choose who we want to lead us. Let her stay in Bukedea, and we’ll sort this out with Magogo,” Dhamuzungu declared to a gathering of his supporters in Ngandho following contentious NRM party grassroots elections in the sub-county.

Dhamuzungu claims that the recently held grassroots elections were marred by irregularities and unfair practices. He alleges that security forces, led by Buyende district police commander Edson Birema Turamyomwe, favored his political opponents.

He further reveals that Ngandho sub-county registrar, Willy Balinaine, was overpowered by Baliise Ayub, a known supporter of Magogo, and other NRM loyalists from Wandago parish, leading to manipulation of the voting process.

“We do not agree with the outcomes of the voting. There was not voting for the youth, women, veterans and mainstream committees,” asserted Dhamuzungu, a registered voter of Basanga A in Ngandho parish.

He is now preparing to petition the NRM party leadership, including President Yoweri Museveni who is the party chairperson, and the chairperson of the party electoral commission, Dr Tanga Odoi, seeking redress for the alleged irregularities.

“To the President of Uganda, our party chairperson, the chairperson of the party electoral commission and other party leaders, this is to inform you that we are going to petition seeking redress. We have mobilised over 300 people who are signing this petition,” he stated.

Dhamuzungu has issued a two-week ultimatum, demanding a re-election in Ngandho. Failing that, he has threatened to take further action, stating, “If this fails and no re-election is done in Ngandho in two weeks, I call a meeting and tell you the next move we should make.”

The former MP even hinted at a potential mass defection from the ruling party if his concerns are not addressed. “If there is favouritism in the NRM party, I will mobilise all people in Budiope East and the entire district, and we will quit the party,” Dhamuzungu warned, leveraging his long-standing support for the NRM and considerable following, particularly among the youth.

Buyende district has traditionally been a stronghold for the NRM under President Museveni’s leadership. However, some supporters express frustration at what they perceive as neglect by the government despite their consistent support.

Dhamuzungu’s accusations add a layer of complexity to the political landscape in Budiope East, raising questions about fairness and transparency in the upcoming elections. The escalating tension between Dhamuzungu and the Speaker suggests a potentially fierce political battle ahead for the Budiope East parliamentary seat.

ANOTHER ONE: Iganga’s prominent lawyer abducted in Kampala after meeting at NUP headquarters

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Counsel Abed Nasser Mudiobole, a prominent lawyer in Iganga, was reportedly abducted yesterday evening in Kyaliwajjala, raising serious concerns about the safety and security of legal professionals and citizens alike.

The incident was announced by National Unity Platform (NUP) leader, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, who condemned the abduction in strong terms.

According to Bobi Wine, Mudiobole, an advocate based in Iganga, was lured to a meeting with a supposed client.

Upon arrival at the designated premises in Kyaliwajjala, he was allegedly accosted by heavily armed men who forced him into a “drone,” a term commonly used in Uganda to refer to unmarked vehicles often associated with security forces, and driven to an undisclosed location.

“Counsel Abed Nasser Mudiobole… was abducted yesterday evening from Kyaliwajjala,” Wine stated in a brief statement on his X earlier today. “He was invited to meet a client and on reaching the premises, he was put on gunpoint by heavily armed men and driven away in a drone to an unknown location.”

Bobi Wine further revealed that Mudiobole had been at the NUP headquarters earlier in the day, alongside other leaders from Eastern Uganda, discussing the upcoming youth elections.

“Earlier in the day, he was at the NUP Headquarters alongside other leaders from Eastern Uganda where we discussed the upcoming youth elections,” Bobi Wine said.

The abduction has sparked widespread condemnation, with many fearing a return to a period of increased state-sponsored abductions and human rights abuses.

Bobi Wine criticized the act, stating that the crimes don’t project strength. “They project weakness and fear. Let us continue organising, mobilising and agitating for a better country.”

The motive behind the abduction remains unclear, but the incident has further heightened tensions in the country, already grappling with political and socio-economic challenges. Authorities have yet to release an official statement regarding the incident, and the whereabouts of Counsel Mudiobole remain unknown.

BESIGYE’S NEW POLITICAL PARTY: Electoral Commission gazettes People’s Front for Freedom to register as a political party

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The Uganda Electoral Commission (EC) has officially gazetted the application of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) to register as a political party. This announcement, published in the Uganda Gazette on Friday, marks a significant development in the Ugandan political landscape, potentially adding another voice to the opposition.

According to the notice, signed by EC Chairman Simon Mugenyi Byabakama, the move is in accordance with the Political Parties and Organizations Act. The EC is now inviting members of the public who may have objections to the PFF’s registration to formally lodge them within the next 14 days.

“Any person who has any grounds for opposing this application should do so within 14 days from the date of this Gazette notice by objecting to the Electoral Commission,” the notice states.

The People’s Front for Freedom is spearheaded by Dr. Kizza Besigye and other former prominent members of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). Reportedly, the party’s formation follows a period of internal turmoil and divisions within the FDC, solidifying its place as the newest opposition force in the country. Their chosen symbol is a mobile phone.

The genesis of the PFF stems from accusations leveled against the FDC’s president, Amuriat Oboi Patrick, and secretary general, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, alleging they accepted funds from President Museveni during the 2021 general elections. These accusations fractured the party, leading to the emergence of two distinct factions: one based at Katonga Road in Kampala, backed by Kizza Besigye, and the other at Najjanankumbi.

It is the Katonga Road faction, led by Dr. Besigye, that is driving the initiative to establish the new political party, the PFF. The application’s announcement by the EC comes after a reported six-month review process.

The registration of the PFF could potentially reshape the Ugandan political landscape, offering a new platform for voices dissatisfied with the current political climate. However, the next two weeks will be crucial as the Electoral Commission assesses any objections from the public before making a final determination on the PFF’s registration.

RIVALS AND FRIENDS: Kamuli rivals unite in NRM grassroots elections, nominate each other

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Kamuli district witnessed a surprising display of unity and political maturity as rivals nominated each other in the ongoing National Resistance Movement (NRM) grassroots elections. This unexpected collaboration contrasted sharply with the usual competitive spirit, signaling a focus on party unity and broader goals.

The elections, held on May 16th, 2025, saw First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga easily securing her position as chairperson of the NRM Women’s League for Mbulamuti sub-county. While Kadaga’s victory was anticipated, the real surprise lay in the camaraderie exhibited by aspiring parliamentary and municipal candidates.

In the Bugabula South constituency, aspiring candidates Thomas Kategere and Matthew Bazanya, typically fierce competitors, shocked observers by nominating each other for key positions. Kategere nominated Bazanya as chairperson for Kitayunjwa sub-county mainstream, a position Bazanya secured unopposed. In a reciprocal move, Bazanya nominated Kategere for the post of secretary, allowing him to cruise through unchallenged as well.

This display of political harmony was explained by Kategere, who emphasized the importance of internal party unity. “We are all NRM and can’t afford internal differences,” he stated. “When either of us wins the flag, we shall all have to support him. The NRM has three ways of electing its leaders: by elections, consensus or by guidance of the party chairman. The NRM party guidelines do not warrant petitions.” This sentiment suggests a conscious effort to avoid divisive in-fighting and maintain a united front ahead of larger elections.

However, not all potential candidates embraced this spirit of collaboration. Rivals Maurice Kibalya and Asuman Kiyingi chose to abstain from the elections, suggesting a possible disconnect from this emerging trend of unity.

The spirit of cooperation extended to Kamuli municipality, where Baroda Watongola gracefully stepped aside to allow her rival, Mastula Namatovu, to secure the position of chairperson of the women’s league. This selfless act further solidified the narrative of unity taking precedence over individual ambition.

Sam Bamwole, the Kamuli district NRM chairperson, lauded the elections and their outcomes, shedding light on the underlying motivation behind this surprising unity. “We all have one common goal, which is to ensure Mama Kadaga retains the CEC post; otherwise, Busoga is dead in NRM,” he commented. This statement reveals a strategic focus on securing regional representation within the party’s Central Executive Committee, highlighting the belief that Kadaga’s continued presence in the CEC is vital for the Busoga sub-region’s interests within the NRM.

The events in Kamuli demonstrate a unique approach to grassroots elections, where rivalries are seemingly set aside in favor of party unity and strategic regional representation. While the motivations might be complex, the outcome is a compelling example of how political rivals can sometimes find common ground and work together towards a shared goal. The long-term impact of this unified approach remains to be seen, but it certainly sets a precedent for future NRM elections in Kamuli and perhaps beyond.